When Algorithms of Oppression was published in 2018, it was a landmark work that interrogated the racism encoded into popular technology products like Google’s search engine. Given that many Americans are currently using Google search to try to understand racism after the national uprising sparked by the murder of George Floyd, it’s a good time to remember the architecture they are using to do so is itself deeply compromised — and how that came to pass. This excerpt, from Safiya Umoja Noble’s enduring work, explains why anti-Black racism appears, and endures, in tech products we are told to view as neutral.

当压迫的算法发表于2018年，是一个具有里程碑意义的工作，审问编码成流行的技术产品，如谷歌的搜索引擎ラÇ主义。 鉴于在乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被谋杀引发的全国起义之后，许多美国人目前正在使用Google搜索来理解种族主义，是时候记住他们所使用的体系结构本身已受到严重损害的好时机-以及如何通过。 此节选摘自萨菲亚·乌莫贾·诺布尔(Safiya Umoja Noble)的不懈努力，它解释了为什么反黑人种族主义在我们被视作中立的高科技产品中出现并持久存在。

On June 28, 2016, Black feminist and mainstream social media erupted over the announcement that Black Girls Code, an organization dedicated to teaching and mentoring African American girls interested in computer programming, would be moving into Google’s New York offices. The partnership was part of Google’s effort to spend $150 million on diversity programs that could create a pipeline of talent into Silicon Valley and the tech industries. But just two years before, searching the phrase “black girls” surfaced “Black Booty on the Beach” and “Sugary Black Pussy” to the first page of Google results, out of the trillions of web-indexed pages that Google Search crawls.

2016年 6月28日，黑人女权主义者和主流社交媒体因宣布黑人女孩代码(Black Girls Code)即将搬迁到Google在纽约的办公室而成立，该组织致力于教育和指导对计算机编程感兴趣的非裔美国女孩。 这项合作伙伴关系是Google投入1.5亿美元用于多元化计划的一部分，该计划可能会吸引人才流向硅谷和科技行业。 但是仅仅两年前，在Google搜索抓取的数以万亿计的网络索引页面中，搜索短语“黑人女孩”浮出水面的“海滩上的黑战利品”和“黑色的阴毛”就出现在Google搜索结果的第一页。

In part, the intervention of teaching computer code to African American girls through projects such as Black Girls Code is designed to ensure fuller participation in the design of software and to remedy persistent exclusion. The logic of new pipeline investments in youth was touted as an opportunity to foster an empowered vision for Black women’s participation in Silicon Valley industries. Discourses of creativity, cultural context, and freedom are fundamental narratives that drive the coding gap, or the new coding divide, of the 21st century.

在某种程度上，通过“黑人女孩代码”(Black Girls Code)等项目向非裔美国女孩讲授计算机代码的目的是确保更充分地参与软件设计并纠正持续的排斥现象。 年轻人对新的管道投资的逻辑被吹捧为一个机会，可为黑人妇女参与硅谷行业树立有力的愿景。 创造力，文化背景和自由的论述是推动21世纪编码差距或新编码鸿沟的基本叙述。

Neoliberalism has emerged and served as a framework for developing social and economic policy in the interest of elites, while simultaneously crafting a new worldview: an ideology of individual freedoms that foreground personal creativity, contribution, and participation, as if these engagements are not interconnected to broader labor practices of systemic and structural exclusion. In the case of Google’s history of racist bias in search, no linkages are made between Black Girls Code and remedies to the company’s current employment practices and product designs. Indeed, the notion that lack of participation by African Americans in Silicon Valley is framed as a “pipeline issue” posits the lack of hiring Black people as a matter of people unprepared to participate, despite evidence to the contrary.

新自由主义已经出现，并成为为精英利益制定社会和经济政策的框架，同时又树立了新的世界观：一种以个人创造力，贡献和参与为基础的个人自由意识形态，好像这些参与并没有相互联系。广泛的系统和结构性排斥劳动实践。 就Google在搜索方面的种族偏见历史而言，“黑人女孩代码”与公司目前的雇佣惯例和产品设计的补救措施之间没有任何联系。 的确，尽管有相反的证据，但非裔美国人在硅谷缺乏参与的概念被形容为“管道问题”，这是因为缺乏准备参加会议的人缺乏雇用黑人。

Google, Facebook, and other technology giants have been called to task for this failed logic. Laura Weidman Powers, of CODE2040, stated in an interview with Jessica Guynn at USA Today, “This narrative that nothing can be done today and so we must invest in the youth of tomorrow ignores the talents and achievements of the thousands of people in tech from underrepresented backgrounds and renders them invisible.” Blacks and Latinos are underemployed despite the increasing numbers graduating from college with degrees in computer science.

谷歌，Facebook和其他技术巨头已被要求为此失败的逻辑承担责任。 CODE2040的Laura Weidman Powers在《今日美国 》的杰西卡·盖恩(Jessica Guynn)的一次采访中说：“这种叙述说，今天什么都做不了，所以我们必须投资于明天的年轻人，而忽略了成千上万来自科技界的人才和成就。代表性不足的背景并使它们不可见。” 尽管从大学获得计算机科学学位的人数有所增加，但黑人和拉丁裔的就业不足。

Filling the pipeline and holding “future” Black women programmers responsible for solving the problems of racist exclusion and misrepresentation in Silicon Valley or in biased product development is not the answer. Commercial search prioritizes results predicated on a variety of factors that are anything but objective or value-free. Indeed, there are infinite possibilities for other ways of designing access to knowledge and information, but the lack of attention to the kind of White and Asian male dominance that Guynn reported sidesteps those who are responsible for these companies’ current technology designers and their troublesome products.

解决硅谷或有偏见的产品开发中种族主义排斥和虚假陈述问题的负责任的黑人女性程序员是无法解决的。 商业搜索优先考虑基于客观或无价值的各种因素的结果。 确实，通过其他方式来设计获取知识和信息的方式还有无限的可能性，但是，Guynn报告的对白人和亚洲男性主导地位的关注缺乏关注，使那些负责这些公司当前技术设计师及其麻烦产品的人回避了。

Framing the problems as “pipeline” issues instead of as an issue of racism and sexism, which extends from employment practices to product design. “Black girls need to learn how to code” is an excuse for not addressing the persistent marginalization of Black women in Silicon Valley.

将问题归结为“管道”问题，而不是种族主义和性别歧视问题，这从就业实践延伸到产品设计。 “黑人女孩需要学习编码”是没有解决硅谷黑人妇女持续边缘化的借口。

谁负责结果？ (Who is responsible for the results?)

As a result of the lack of African Americans and people with deeper knowledge of the sordid history of racism and sexism working in Silicon Valley, products are designed with a lack of careful analysis about their potential impact on a diverse array of people. If Google software engineers are not responsible for the design of their algorithms, then who is?

由于缺乏非洲裔美国人以及对在硅谷工作的种族主义和性别歧视的肮脏历史有更深了解的人们，产品的设计缺乏对它们对各种人群的潜在影响的仔细分析。 如果Google软件工程师不负责其算法的设计，那么谁是？

These are the details of what a search for “black girls” would yield for many years, despite that the words “porn,” “pornography,” or “sex” were not included in the search box. In the text for the first page of results, for example, the word “pussy,” as a noun, is used four times to describe Black girls. Other words in the lines of text on the first page include “sugary” (two times), “hairy” (one), “sex” (one), “booty/ass” (two), “teen” (one), “big” (one), “porn star” (one), “hot” (one), “hardcore” (one), “action” (one), “galeries [sic]” (one).

这些是搜索“黑人女孩”将产生许多年的详细信息，尽管搜索框中未包含“色情”，“色情”或“性”一词。 例如，在结果首页的文本中，名词“ pussy”被用作描述黑人女孩的四倍。 第一页文字行中的其他词语包括“ sugary”(两次)，“ hairy”(一个)，“ sex”(一个)，“ boot / ass”(两个)，“ teen”(一个)， “大”(一个)，“色情明星”(一个)，“热”(一个)，“铁杆”(一个)，“动作”(一个)，“图库”(一个)。

In the case of the first page of results on “black girls,” I clicked on the link for both the top search result (unpaid) and the first paid result, which is reflected in the right-hand sidebar, where advertisers that are willing and able to spend money through Google AdWords have their content appear in relationship to these search queries.

对于“黑人女孩”的搜索结果首页，我同时点击了顶部搜索结果(未付费)和第一付费结果的链接，该链接反映在右侧的侧栏中，在此，广告客户愿意并且能够通过Google AdWords进行支出，使其内容与这些搜索查询相关联。

All advertising in relationship to Black girls for many years has been hypersexualized and pornographic, even if it purports to be just about dating or social in nature. Additionally, some of the results such as the U.K. rock band Black Girls lack any relationship to Black women and girls. This is an interesting co-optation of identity, and because of the band’s fan following as well as possible search engine optimization strategies, the band is able to find strong placement for its fan site on the front page of the Google search.

多年来，所有与黑人女孩有关的广告都被色情和色情，即使它声称只是约会或社交性质。 此外，英国摇滚乐队“黑人女孩”(Black Girls)等一些结果与黑人妇女和女孩之间也没有任何关系。 这是一个有趣的身份选择，并且由于该乐队的粉丝关注以及可能的搜索引擎优化策略，该乐队能够在Google搜索的首页上为其粉丝网站找到重要的位置。

Published text on the web can have a plethora of meanings, so in my analysis of all of these results, I have focused on the implicit and explicit messages about Black women and girls in both the texts of results or hits and the paid ads that accompany them. By comparing these to broader social narratives about Black women and girls in dominant U.S. popular culture, we can see the ways in which search engine technology replicates and instantiates these notions.

网络上发布的文字可能有很多含义，因此，在我对所有这些结果进行分析时，我都着眼于结果或点击数以及附带的付费广告中有关黑人妇女和女孩的隐性和显性信息。他们。 通过将这些与美国主流文化中关于黑人妇女和女孩的更广泛的社会叙事进行比较，我们可以看到搜索引擎技术复制和实例化这些概念的方式。

This is no surprise when Black women are not employed in any significant numbers at Google. Not only are African Americans underemployed at Google, Facebook, Snapchat, and other popular technology companies as computer programmers, but jobs that could employ the expertise of people who understand the ramifications of racist and sexist stereotyping and misrepresentation and that require undergraduate and advanced degrees in ethnic, Black/African American, women and gender, American Indian, or Asian American studies are nonexistent.

当黑人妇女没有在Google任职时，这并不奇怪。 非裔美国人不仅在Google，Facebook，Snapchat和其他流行技术公司的计算机程序员中就业不足，而且这些工作可以利用了解种族主义和性别主义陈规定型观念和虚假陈述后果的人的专业知识，并要求他们具有大学本科以上学历。种族，黑人/非裔美国人，妇女和性别，美洲印第安人或亚裔美国人研究不存在。

One cannot know about the history of media stereotyping or the nuances of structural oppression in any formal, scholarly way through the traditional engineering curriculum of the large research universities from which technology companies hire across the United States. Ethics courses are rare, and the possibility of formally learning about the history of Black women in relation to a series of stereotypes such as the Jezebel, Sapphire, and Mammy does not exist in mainstream engineering programs.

人们无法通过大型研究型大学的传统工程课程以任何正式的学术方式了解媒体定型观念的历史或结构性压迫的细微差别，技术公司在美国各地聘用这些大学。 道德课程很少见，并且在主流工程计划中不存在正式学习有关一系列定型观念(例如耶洗别，蓝宝石和妈咪)的黑人女性历史的可能性。

We need people designing technologies for society to have training and an education on the histories of marginalized people, at a minimum, and we need them working alongside people with rigorous training and preparation from the social sciences and humanities. To design technology for people, without a detailed and rigorous study of people and communities, makes for the many kinds of egregious tech designs we see that come at the expense of people of color and women.

我们需要为社会设计技术的人员至少要接受有关边缘化人群历史的培训和教育，我们需要他们与经过社会科学和人文科学严格训练并做好准备的人们一起工作。 在没有对人和社区进行详细而严格的研究的情况下，为人们设计技术会使许多令人震惊的技术设计成为现实，而这些设计却以有色人种和女性为代价。

Search engine results perpetuate particular narratives that reflect historically uneven distributions of power in society. In order to fully interrogate this persistent phenomenon, a lesson on race and racialization is in order, as these processes are structured into every aspect of American work, culture, and knowledge production. To understand representations of race and gender in new media, it is necessary to draw on research about how race is constituted as a social, economic, and political hierarchy based on racial categories, how people are racialized, how this can shift over time without much disruption to the hierarchical order, and how White American identity functions as an invisible “norm” or “nothingness” on which all others are made aberrant.

搜索引擎的结果使特定的叙述永久存在，这些叙述反映了历史上社会权力分布的不均衡。 为了充分审讯这种持续存在的现象，必须对种族和种族化进行总结，因为这些过程已融入美国工作，文化和知识生产的各个方面。 要了解新媒体中种族和性别的代表性，有必要进行以下研究：基于种族类别如何将种族构成为社会，经济和政治等级体系，如何使人们种族化，以及种族如何随时间推移而无需过多调整破坏等级制度，以及美国白人的身份如何作为无形的“规范”或“虚无”发挥作用，使所有其他人都变得异常。

The reproduction of racial hierarchies of power online are manifestations of the same kinds of power systems that we are attempting to dismantle and intervene in — namely, eliminating discrimination and racism as fundamental organizing logics in our society. Tanya Golash-Boza, chair of sociology at the University of California, Merced, argues that critical race scholarship should expand the boundaries of simply marking where racialization and injustice occur but also must press the boundaries of public policy so that the understanding of the complex ways that marginalization is maintained can substantially shift. Michael Omi and Howard Winant, two key scholars of race in the United States, distinguish the ways that racial rule has moved “from dictatorship to democracy” as a means of masking domination over racialized groups in the United States.

在线上种族的种族等级制的再现是我们试图拆除和干预的那种电力系统的表现，即消除歧视和种族主义是我们社会的基本组织逻辑。 加州大学默塞德分校社会学系系主任Tanya Golash-Boza认为，批判种族奖学金应扩大简单标记种族化和不公正现象发生地的界限，而且还必须突破公共政策的界限，以便理解复杂的方法维持边缘化的趋势可能会发生重大变化。 美国的两个主要种族学者Michael Omi和Howard Winant区分了种族统治“从专政转向民主”的方式，以此掩盖了对美国种族群体的统治。

In the context of the web, we see the absolving of workplace practices such as the low level of employment of African Americans in Silicon Valley and the products that stem from it, such as algorithms that organize information for the public, not as matters of domination that persist in these realms but as democratic and fair projects, many of which mask the racism at play. Certainly, we cannot intervene if we cannot see or acknowledge these types of discriminatory practices. To help the reader see these practices, I offer here more examples of how racial algorithmic oppression works in Google Search.

在网络的背景下，我们看到了绝对的工作场所惯例，例如硅谷非裔美国人的就业率低以及由此产生的产品，例如为公众组织信息的算法，而不是统治问题在这些领域中仍然存在，但作为民主和公平的项目，其中许多掩盖了种族主义的作用。 当然，如果我们看不到或不承认这些类型的歧视性做法，我们就无法干预。 为了帮助读者了解这些做法，我在这里提供了更多示例，说明了种族算法压迫在Google搜索中的工作方式。

On June 6, 2016, Kabir Ali, an African American teenager from Clover High School in Midlothian, Virginia, tweeting under the handle @iBeKabir, posted a video to Twitter of his Google Images search on the keywords “three black teenagers.” The results that Google offered were of African American teenagers’ mugshots, insinuating that the image of Black teens is that of criminality. Next, he changed one word — “black” to “white” — with very different results. “Three white teenagers” were represented as wholesome and all-American. The video went viral within 48 hours, and Guynn, from USA Today, contacted me about the story. In typical fashion, Google reported these search results as an anomaly, beyond its control, to which I responded again, “If Google isn’t responsible for its algorithm, then who is?” One of Ali’s Twitter followers later posted a tweak to the algorithm made by Google on a search for “three white teens” that now included a newly introduced “criminal” image of a White teen and more “wholesome” images of Black teens.

2016年6月6日，来自弗吉尼亚州中洛锡安市Clover高中的非洲裔美国少年Kabir Ali在@iBeKabir的推特下发推文，在Twitter上发布了一段他的Google图片搜索视频，关键词为“三个黑人少年”。 Google提供的结果是针对非裔美国青少年的面部照片，这表明黑人青少年的形象是犯罪行为。 接下来，他将一个单词从“黑色”更改为“白色”，结果却大不相同。 “三个白人少年”被认为是有益健康和全美国人的。 该视频在48小时内开始传播，来自《今日美国》的盖恩(Guynn)就此事与我联系。 谷歌以典型的方式将这些搜索结果报告为异常现象，超出了它的控制范围，我再次回答：“如果谷歌对其算法不负责任，那又是谁？” 阿里(Ali)的一个Twitter追随者随后在搜索“三个白人少年”时发布了Google算法的一项调整，该算法现在包括新引入的白人少年的“犯罪”图像和黑人黑人的“更健康”图像。

What we know about Google’s responses to racial stereotyping in its products is that it typically denies responsibility or intent to harm, but then it is able to “tweak” or “fix” these aberrations or “glitches” in its systems. What we need to ask is why and how we get these stereotypes in the first place and what the attendant consequences of racial and gender stereotyping do in terms of public harm for people who are the targets of such misrepresentation. Images of White Americans are persistently held up in Google’s images and in its results to reinforce the superiority and mainstream acceptability of Whiteness as the default “good” to which all others are made invisible.

我们知道Google对产品中种族偏见的React是，它通常否认承担损害责任或意图，但随后便能够在其系统中“调整”或“修正”这些畸变或“毛刺”。 我们需要问的是，为什么以及我们如何首先获得这些定型观念，以及种族和性别定型观念的附带后果在对作为此类失实陈述对象的人们的公共伤害方面会产生什么影响。 白人美国人的形象在Google的形象及其结果中始终如一地被保留下来，以增强白人的优越性和主流接受度，使白人成为默认的“好商品”，而其他所有人都无法看到。

There are many examples of this, where users of Google Search have reported online their shock or dismay at the kinds of representations that consistently occur. Meanwhile, when users search beyond racial identities and occupations to engage concepts such as “professional hairstyles,” they have been met with the kinds of images seen above. The “unprofessional hairstyles for work” image search, like the one for “three black teenagers,” went viral in 2016, with multiple media outlets covering the story, again raising the question, can algorithms be racist?

有许多这样的例子，其中Google搜索的用户已经在线报告了他们对持续出现的那种表示的震惊或沮丧。 同时，当用户搜索种族身份和职业以外的内容以从事诸如“专业发型”之类的概念时，上面看到的各种图像也满足了他们。 “针对工作的非专业发型”图像搜索，就像针对“三个黑人少年”的图像搜索一样，在2016年开始风行一时，多家媒体报道了这一故事，再次提出了问题，算法是否会种族主义？

Understanding technological racialization as a particular form of algorithmic oppression allows us to use it as an important framework in which to critique the discourse of the internet as a democratic landscape and to deploy alternative thinking about the practices instantiated within commercial web search. The sociologist and media studies scholar Jessie Daniels argues that it would be more potent and historically accurate to think about White supremacy as the dominant lens and structure through which sense-making of race online can occur. In short, Daniels argues that using racial formation theory to explain phenomena related to race online has been detrimental to our ability to parse how power online maps to oppression rooted in the history of White dominance over people of color.

将技术种族化理解为算法压迫的一种特殊形式，使我们能够将其用作重要的框架，在该框架中，可以将互联网作为民主环境进行论述，并对商业网络搜索中实例化的实践进行替代性思考。 社会学家和媒体研究学者杰西·丹尼尔斯(Jessie Daniels)认为，将白人至上主义视为可以在网上进行种族感悟的主导透镜和结构，将具有更大的效力和历史准确性。 简而言之，丹尼尔斯认为，使用种族形成理论来解释与在线种族有关的现象一直不利于我们分析在线力量如何压迫压迫植根于白人对有色人种历史的压制能力。

Often, group identity development and recognition in the United States is guided, in part, by ongoing social experiences and interactions, typically organized around race, gender, education, and other social factors that are also ideological in nature. These issues are at the heart of a “politics of recognition,” which is an essential form of redistributive justice for marginalized groups that have been traditionally maligned, ignored, or rendered invisible by means of disinformation on the part of the dominant culture. You cannot have social justice and a politics of recognition without an acknowledgment of how power — often exercised simultaneously through White supremacy and sexism — can skew the delivery of credible and representative information.

在美国，群体身份的发展和认可通常部分是由持续的社会经验和互动所指导的，这些经验和互动通常围绕种族，性别，教育和其他本质上也是意识形态的其他社会因素进行组织。 这些问题是“承认政治”的核心，这是边缘化群体重新分配正义的一种基本形式，这些群体传统上由于占主导地位的文化的虚假信息而变得残酷，无知或变得不可见。 如果没有承认权力(通常通过白人至上主义和性别歧视同时行使)如何歪曲可靠和代表性信息的传递，就无法拥有社会正义和承认政治。

Because Black communities live in material conditions that are structured physically and spatially in the context of a freedom struggle for recognition and resources, the privately controlled internet portals that function as a public space for making sense of the distribution of resources, including identity-based information, have to be interrogated thoroughly. In general, search engine users are doing simple searches consisting of one or more natural-language terms submitted to Google; they typically do not conduct searches in a broad or deep manner but rather with a few keywords, nor are they often looking past the first page or so of search engine results, as a general rule. Search results as artifacts have symbolic and material meaning.

由于黑人社区生活在物质环境中，这些物质环境是在争取承认和资源的自由斗争的背景下在物理上和空间上构成的，因此，由私人控制的互联网门户网站充当公共空间，以使人们理解包括基于身份的信息在内的资源分配，必须彻底审问。 通常，搜索引擎用户会进行简单的搜索，其中包含一个或多个提交给Google的自然语言术语； 他们通常不会以广泛或深入的方式进行搜索，而是使用几个关键字进行搜索，通常也不会经常浏览搜索引擎结果的首页左右。 作为文物的搜索结果具有象征意义和实质意义。

在搜索引擎中“黑人女孩”色情如何发生 (How pornification happened to “black girls” in the search engine)

Typically, webmasters and search engine marketers look for key phrases, words, and search terms that the public is most likely to use. Tools such as Google’s AdWords are also used to optimize searches and page indexing on the basis of terms that have a high likelihood of being queried. Information derived from tools such as AdWords is used to help web designers develop strategies to increase traffic to their websites. By studying search engine optimization boards, I was able to develop an understanding of why certain terms are associated with a whole host of representational identities.

通常，网站管理员和搜索引擎营销商会寻找公众最可能使用的关键短语，单词和搜索词。 Google的AdWords之类的工具还用于根据极有可能被查询的术语来优化搜索和页面索引。 来自AdWords等工具的信息可用于帮助网络设计师制定策略来增加其网站的访问量。 通过研究搜索引擎优化委员会，我能够理解为什么某些术语与大量表示身份相关联。

The pornography industry closely monitors the top searches for information or content, based on search requests across a variety of demographics. The porn industry is one of the most well-informed industries with sophisticated usage of SEO. A former SEO director for FreePorn.com has blogged extensively on how to elude Google and maximize the ability to show up in the first page of search results. Many of these techniques include long-term strategies to co-opt particular terms and link them over time and in meaningful ways to pornographic content. Once these keywords are identified, then variations on these words, through what are called “long tail keywords,” are created. This allows the industry to have users “self-select” for a variety of fetishes or interests.

色情行业会根据各种受众特征的搜索请求，密切监视信息或内容的热门搜索。 色情行业是使用SEO的尖端信息灵通的行业之一。 FreePorn.com的前SEO主管已在博客中广泛介绍了如何规避Google并最大限度地发挥其在搜索结果首页中显示的能力。 这些技术中的许多技术都包含长期策略，以选择特定的术语，并随着时间的流逝并以有意义的方式将它们链接到色情内容。 一旦确定了这些关键字，就可以通过所谓的“长尾关键字”创建这些单词的变体。 这允许行业让用户针对各种迷恋或兴趣“自行选择”。

The U.S. dominates the number of pages of porn content, and so it exploits its ability to reach a variety of niches by linking every possible combination of words and identities (including grandmothers, as previously noted) to expand its ability to rise in the page rankings. The U.S. pornography industry is powerful and has the capital to purchase any keywords — and identities — it wants. If the U.S. has such a stronghold in supplying pornographic content, then the search for such content is deeply contextualized within a U.S.-centric framework of search terms. This provides more understanding of how a variety of words and identities that are based in the U.S. are connected in search optimization strategies, which are grounded in the development and expansion of a variety of “tails” and affiliations.

美国主导着色情内容的页面数量，因此它通过将各种可能的单词和身份组合(包括如前所述的祖母)联系起来，利用其达到各种壁of的能力，以扩大其在页面排名中上升的能力。 美国色情产业强大，有资本购买所需的任何关键字和身份。 如果美国在提供色情内容方面具有如此强的据点，那么在以美国为中心的搜索字词框架内，对此类内容的搜索将被深度地关联到上下文中。 这样可以更好地了解在搜索优化策略中如何联系以美国为基础的各种单词和身份，这些策略以发展各种“尾巴”和从属关系为基础。

The information architect Peter Morville discusses the importance of keywords in finding what can be known in technology platforms — and draws attention to what cannot be found, by stressing the long tail phenomenon on the web. This is the place where all forms of content that do not surface to the top of a web search are located. Many sites languish, undiscovered, in the long tail because they lack the proper website architecture, or they do not have proper metadata for web-indexing algorithms to find them — for search engines and thus for searchers, they do not exist.

信息架构师Peter Morville讨论了关键字在查找技术平台中已知内容方面的重要性，并通过强调网络上的长尾现象来提请注意那些找不到的内容。 在这里可以找到所有未出现在网络搜索顶部的内容形式。 许多网站因为缺乏适当的网站体系结构，或者没有适当的元数据来通过Web索引算法来找到它们而变得冗长，未被发现，这对于搜索引擎(因此对于搜索者而言)并不存在。

Such search results are deeply problematic and are often presented without any alternatives to change them except through search refinement or changes to Google’s default filtering settings, which currently are “moderate” for users who do not specifically put more filters on their results. These search engine results for women whose identities are already maligned in the media, such as Black women and girls, only further debase and erode efforts for social, political, and economic recognition and justice. These practices instantiate limited, negative portrayals of people of color in the media — a defining and normative feature of American racism.

此类搜索结果存在严重问题，并且通常无法进行任何更改，除非通过优化搜索或更改Google的默认过滤设置(对于没有明确在其结果上放置更多过滤器的用户而言，这是“适度的”)。 这些搜索引擎搜索结果针对的是身份已经在媒体中变得残酷的女性，例如黑人妇女和女童，只会进一步降低和削弱社会，政治和经济认可与正义的努力。 这些做法实例化了媒体对有色人种的有限，负面描述，这是美国种族主义的定义和规范特征。

Search engine design is not only a technical matter but also a political one. Search engines provide essential access to the web both to those who have something to say and offer and to those who wish to hear and find. The web reflects a set of commercial and advertising practices that bias particular ideas. Those industries and interests that are powerful, influential, or highly capitalized are often prioritized to the detriment of others and are able to control the bias on their terms.

搜索引擎设计不仅是技术问题，而且是政治问题。 搜索引擎为那些有话要说和提供服务的人以及希望听到和发现的人提供了对Web的基本访问。 网络反映了一系列偏颇特定想法的商业和广告实践。 那些强大，有影响力或高度资本化的行业和利益通常会优先考虑损害他人的利益，并能够控制其条件上的偏见。

Many people say to me, “But tech companies don’t mean to be racist; that’s not their intent.” Intent is not particularly important. Outcomes and results are important. In my research, I do not look deeply at what advertisers or Google are “intending” to do. I focus on the social conditions that surround the lives of Black women living in the United States and where public information platforms contribute to the myriad conditions that make Black women’s lives harder.

许多人对我说：“但是科技公司并不意味着要成为种族主义者。 那不是他们的意图。” 意图不是特别重要。 结果和结果很重要。 在我的研究中，我没有深入研究广告商或Google打算做什么。 我关注围绕居住在美国的黑人妇女的生活的社会条件，以及公共信息平台助长了使黑人妇女的生活更加艰难的各种条件。

The nature of representation in commercial search as primarily pornographic for Black women is a distinct form of sexual representation that is commercialized by Google. Pornography is a specific type of representation that denotes male power, female powerlessness, and sexual violence. These pornographic representations of women and people of color have been problematized by many scholars in the context of mass media. Rather than offer relief, the rise of the internet has brought with it ever more commodified, fragmented, and easily accessed pornographic depictions that are racialized. Biased traditional media processes are being replicated, if not more aggressively, around problematic representations in search engines.

在商业搜索中，黑人女性主要表现为色情的表征形式是Google进行商品化的一种独特形式的性表征。 色情制品是一种特定类型的表示形式，表示男性力量，女性无能为力和性暴力。 在大众传媒的背景下，许多学者对妇女和有色人种的这些色情表示形式提出了质疑。 互联网的兴起不仅带来了缓解，还带来了越来越多的商品化，分散化和易于访问的带有种族色彩的色情描写。 有偏见的传统媒体流程(如果不是更积极地)将被复制到搜索引擎中有问题的表示周围。

Although Google changed its algorithm in late summer 2012 and suppressed pornography as the primary representation of Black girls in its search results, by 2016, it had also modified the algorithm to include more diverse and less sexualized images of Black girls in its image search results, although most of the images are of women and not of children or teenagers (girls). However, the images of Black girls remain troubling in Google’s video search results, with narratives that mostly reflect user-generated content that engages in comedic portrayals of a range of stereotypes about Black/African American girls. Notably, the White nationalist Colin Flaherty’s work, which the Southern Poverty Law Center has described as propaganda to incite racial violence and White anxiety, is, at time of writing, the producer of the third-ranked video to represent Black girls.

尽管Google在2012年夏末更改了算法，并将色情内容抑制为黑人女孩在搜索结果中的主要代表，但到2016年，它也对其算法进行了修改，在其图像搜索结果中包含了更多种类多样且性别较少的黑人女孩图像，尽管大多数图像是女性的，而不是儿童或青少年(女孩)的。 但是，黑人女孩的图像在Google的视频搜索结果中仍然令人不安，其叙述大部分反映了用户生成的内容，这些内容涉及对黑人/非裔美国女孩的一系列刻板印象。 值得注意的是，白人民族主义者科林·弗莱厄蒂(Colin Flaherty)的作品，在撰写本文时，是代表黑人女孩的视频排名第三的制片人，该影片被描述为煽动种族暴力和白人焦虑症的宣传。

Porn on the internet is an expansion of neoliberal capitalist interests. The web itself has opened up new centers of profit and pushed the boundaries of consumption. Never before have there been so many points for the transmission and consumption of these representations of Black women’s bodies, largely trafficked outside the control and benefit of Black women and girls themselves.

互联网上的色情是新自由主义资本主义利益的扩展。 网络本身开辟了新的利润中心，并推动了消费边界。 黑人妇女的这些表征的传播和消费从来没有像现在这样多，这些贩运在很大程度上不受黑人妇女和女孩本人的控制和惠益。