Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development and well-being

自我决定理论：促进内在动机、社会发展和幸福感

人生的意义和追求是什么？你沉默了，接着告诉我一个故事。

不言而喻，人生活在故事和意义编制的网中。谈到声望和利益，我们变得更加小心，目光如炬地权衡着利弊关系。是不是这样更能使我们幸福呢？我们来看一篇发表于2000年google学术引用达三万多次的心理学文章。

如果个体所处的社会背景能够满足基本的心理需求（自主性、胜任感和归属感），它们就会得到积极、同化和综合性质的发展格局。另一方面，过度控制，非最佳挑战和缺乏归属会破坏自然赋予的固有的实现和组织倾向，因此这些因素不仅导致主动性和责任感的缺失，还会导致痛苦和精神疾病。

原文信息

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American psychologist, 55(1), 68.

下载地址

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Rita_Bouchard/post/What_teaching_techniques_or_behaviors_are_conducive_to_develop_a_positive_interpersonal_Teacher-Student_Relationship/attachment/59d6353b79197b8077992d40/AS:383519915298818@1468449681842/download/SDT+and+intmotive.pdf

摘要

Human beings can be proactive and engaged or, alternatively, passive and alienated, largely as a function of the social conditions in which they develop and function. Accordingly, research guided by self-determination theory has focused on the social-contextual conditions that facilitate versus forestall the natural processes of self-motivation and healthy psychological development. Specifically, factors have been examined that enhance versus undermine intrinsic motivation, self-regulation, and well-being. The findings have led to the postulate of three innate psychological needs-competence, autonomy, and relatedness-which when satisfied yield enhanced self-motivation and mental health and when thwarted lead to diminished motivation and well-being. Also considered is the significance of these psychological needs and processes within domains such as health care, education, work, sport, religion, and psychotherapy.

人类可能主动或被动，负责或懒惰，主要是作为他们发展和运作的社会条件的功能决定的。因此，以自我决定理论为指导的研究关注的是社会环境条件，这些条件促进了自我动机和健康心理发展的自然过程。具体而言，已经研究的这些因素可以增强而不是破坏内在动机、自我调节和幸福感。这些研究发现了三种先天的心理需求的假设：胜任感，自主性和归属感（当满足这些条件时，将增强自我动机和心理健康），当这些条件削弱时，将导致动机和幸福感削弱。本研究还考虑了这些心理需求和过程在医疗康复、教育、工作、体育、宗教和心理治疗等领域的重要性。

引言

the fullest representations of humanity show people to be curious, vital, and self-motivated. At their best, they are agentic and inspired, striving to learn; extend themselves; master new skills; and apply their talents responsibly. That most people show considerable effort, agency, and commitment in their lives appears, in fact, to be more normative than exceptional, suggesting some very positive and persistent features of human nature.

人类本质上是充满好奇（求知欲），积极和自我动机。在最好的状态下，他们富于灵感，努力学习;提升自己;掌握新技能;并可信赖的施展才能。事实上，大多数人在他们的生活中表现出相当大的努力，代理和承诺，似乎更具规范性而不是特殊性，这表明人性的一些非常积极和持久的特征。

Yet, it is also clear that the human spirit can be diminished or crushed and that individuals sometimes reject growth and responsibility. Regardless of social strata or cultural origin, examples of both children and adults who are apathetic, alienated, and irresponsible are abundant. Such non-optimal human functioning can be observed not only in our psychological clinics but also among the millions who, for hours a day, sit passively before their televisions, stare blankly from the back of their classrooms, or wait listlessly for the weekend as they go about their jobs. The persistent, proactive, and positive tendencies of human nature are clearly not invariantly apparent.

然而，同样清楚的是，人的志气可能会被削弱或压垮，个人有时会拒绝成长和责任。无论社会阶层或文化起源如何，对无动于衷，疏远和不负责任的儿童和成年人的例子都很多。这种非最佳的人类状态不仅可以在我们的心理诊所中观察到，而且可以在数百万人中被观察到，他们每天数小时被动地坐在电视机前，从教室后面茫然地盯着，或者当他们着手工作时，无休止地等待周末。人性的坚持，积极和积极的倾向显然不是一成不变的。

The fact that human nature, phenotypically expressed, can be either active or passive, constructive or indolent, suggests more than mere dispositional differences and is a function of more than just biological endowments. It also bespeaks a wide range of reactions to social environments that is worthy of our most intense scientific investigation.Specifically, social contexts catalyze both within-and between-person differences in motivation and personal growth, resulting in people being more self-motivated, energized, and integrated in some situations, domains, andcultures than in others. Research on the conditions that foster versus undermine positive human potentials has both theoretical import and practical significance because it can contribute not only to formal knowledge of the causes ofhuman behavior but also to the design of social environments that optimize people's development, performance, and well-being. Research guided by self-determination theory (SDT) has had an ongoing concern with precisely these issues(Deci & Ryan,1985,1991; Ryan,1995).

人类自然属性可以是主动的或被动的，建设性的或懒惰的，这不仅仅表明了性格差异，而且不仅仅是生物禀赋。它也表明了对社会环境的广泛反应，这些反应值得我们进行最激烈的科学研究。具体而言，社会背景促进了动机和个人成长的内部和人际差异，导致人们更加自我动机，充满活力，并在某些情况，领域和文化中融入，而不是在其他情况下。研究培养与破坏积极人类潜能的条件具有理论上的重要性和实际意义，因为它不仅有助于正式了解人类行为的原因，而且还有助于优化人们的发展，表现和良好的社会环境的设计。存在。由自我决定理论（self-determination theory，SDT）指导的研究一直关注这些问题（Deci＆Ryan，1985,1991; Ryan，1995）。

Self-Determination Theory

自我决定理论

SDT is an approach to human motivation and personality that uses traditional empirical methods while employing an organismic metatheory that highlights the importance of humans' evolved inner resources for personality development and behavioral self-regulation(Ryan, Kuhl,& Deci,1997). Thus, its arena is the investigation of people's inherent growth tendencies and innate psychological needs that are the basis for their self-motivation and personality integration, as well as for the conditions that foster those positive processes. Inductively, using the empirical process, we have identified three such needs-the needs for competence (Harter,1978; White,1963), relatedness(Baumeister & Leary,1995; Reis,1994), and autonomy(deCharms,1968; Deci,1975)-that appear to be essential for facilitating optimal functioning of the natural propensities for growth and integration, as well as for constructive social development and personal well-being.

自我决定理论是一种人类动机和人格的方式，它采用传统的经验方法，同时采用生物元理论，突出了人类进化的内在才智对人格发展和行为自我调节的重要性（Ryan，Kuhl，＆Deci，1997）。因此，它的领域是调查人们固有的成长趋势和天生的心理需求，这是他们自我动机和个性融合的基础，也是培养这些积极过程的条件。归纳地，使用经验过程，我们已经确定了三个这样的需求 - 胜任感（Harter，1978; White，1963），归属感（Baumeister＆Leary，1995; Reis，1994）和自主性（deCharms，1968; Deci， 1975） - 这似乎对促进增长和融合的自然倾向以及建设性社会发展和个人福祉的最佳运作至关重要。

Much of the research guided by SDT has also examined environmental factors that hinder or undermine self-motivation, social functioning, and personal well-being.Although many specific deleterious effects have been explored, the research suggests that these detriments can be most parsimoniously described in terms of thwarting the three basic psychological needs. Thus, SDT is concerned not only with the specific nature of positive developmental tendencies, but it also examines social environments that are antagonistic toward these tendencies.

SDT指导的大部分研究还研究了阻碍或破坏自我动机，社会功能和个人幸福的环境因素。虽然已经探索了许多特定的有害影响，但研究表明这些不利因素可以用以下方式描述。挫败了三个基本的心理需求。因此，SDT不仅关注积极发展趋势的特定性质，还关注与这些趋势相对立的社会环境。

The empirical methods used in much of the SDT research have been in the Baconian tradition, in that social contextual variables have been directly manipulated to examine their effects on both internal processes and behavioral manifestations. The use of experimental paradigms has allowed us to specify the conditions under which people's natural activity and constructiveness will flourish, as well as those that promote a lack of self-motivation andsocial integration. In this way, we have used experimental methods without accepting the mechanistic or efficient causal meta-theories that have typically been associated with those methods.

许多SDT研究中使用的经验方法一直是培根传统（归纳推理），因为社会语境变量已被直接操纵以检验它们对内部过程和行为表现的影响。实验范式的使用使我们能够指定人们的自然活动和建设性将蓬勃发展的条件，以及那些促进缺乏自我激励和社会融合的条件。通过这种方式，我们使用实验方法而不接受通常与这些方法相关的机械或有效因果元理论。

In this article we review work guided by SDT, addressing its implications for three important outcomes. We begin with an examination of intrinsic motivation, the prototypic manifestation of the human tendency toward learning and creativity, and we consider research specifying conditions that facilitate versus forestall this special type of motivation. Second, we present an analysis of self-regulation, which concerns how people take in social values and extrinsic contingencies and progressively transform them into personal values and self-motivations. In that discussion, we outline different forms of internalized motivation, addressing their behavioral and experiential correlates and the conditions that are likely to promote these different motivations. Third, we focus on studies that have directly examined the impact of psychological need fulfillment on health and well-being.

在本文中，我们将回顾SDT指导的工作，解决其对三个重要成果的影响。我们首先考察内在动机，人类学习和创造倾向的原型表现，并且我们考虑研究指定促进这种特殊类型动机的条件。其次，我们提出了一种自我调节的分析，它涉及人们如何接受社会价值观和外在突发事件，并逐步将其转化为个人价值观和自我激励。在该讨论中，我们概述了不同形式的内化动机，解决了他们的行为和经验相关性以及可能促进这些不同动机的条件。第三，我们专注于直接研究心理需求实现对健康和幸福的影响的研究。

The Nature of Motivation

动机的本质

Motivation concerns energy, direction, persistence and equifinality all aspects of activation and intention. Motivation has been a central and perennial issue in the field of psychology, for it is at the core of biological, cognitive, and social regulation. Perhaps more important, in the real world, motivation is highly valued because of its consequences: Motivation produces. It is therefore of preeminent concern to those in roles such as manager, teacher, reli-gious leader, coach, health care provider, and parent that involve mobilizing others to act.

动机关注激活和意图的所有方面的激起、趋势、持久性和等效性。动机一直是心理学领域的核心和长期问题，因为它是生物学，认知科学和社会规范的核心。也许更重要的是，在现实世界中，动机因其后果而受到高度重视：动机产生。因此，对于那些扮演经理，教师，宗教领袖，教练，医疗保健提供者和家长等参与动员他人行动的人来说，这是一个极为关注的问题。

Although motivation is often treated as a singular construct, even superficial reflection suggests that people are moved to act by very different types of factors, with highly varied experiences and consequences. People can be motivated because they value an activity or because there is strong external coercion. They can be urged into action by an abiding interest or by a bribe. They can behave from a sense of personal commitment to excel or from fear of being surveilled. These contrasts between cases of having internal motivation versus being externally pressured are surely familiar to everyone. The issue of whether people stand behind a behavior out of their interests and values, or do it for reasons external to the self, is a matter of significance in every culture(e.g., Johnson,1993) and represents a basic dimension by which people make sense of their own and others' behavior(deCharms,1968; Heider,1958; Ryan& Connell,1989).

尽管动机通常被视为一种单一的结构，但即使是肤浅的反思也表明人们会被不同类型的因素所驱动，其经历和后果各不相同。人们可能因为他们重视某项活动或因为有强烈的外部强制而受到激励。他们可能通过持久的利益或贿赂来促使他们采取行动。他们可能表现出个人对卓越的承诺感或害怕受到监视。每个人都必须熟悉内部动机与外部压力之间的这些对比。人们是出于内在兴趣和价值观的行为，还是出于外在的原因，这个问题在每一种文化中都具有重要意义（例如Johnson，1993），并且代表了人们思考他们自己和他人行为的感觉的基本维度。（deCharms，1968; Heider，1958; Ryan＆Connell，1989）。

Comparisons between people whose motivation is authentic(literally, self-authored or endorsed) and those who are merely externally controlled for an action typically reveal that the former, relative to the latter, have more interest, excitement, and confidence, which in turn is manifest both as enhanced performance, persistence, and creativity (Deci & Ryan,1991; Sheldon, Ryan, Rawsthorne,&Ilardi,1997) and as heightened vitality(Nix, Ryan, Manly,& Deci,1999), self-esteem(Deci & Ryan,1995), and general well-being(Ryan, Deci,& Grolnick,1995). This is so even when the people have the same level of perceived competence or self-efficacy for the activity.

真实动机（内在动机？）（字面意思，自我创作或认可的）的人和仅仅是外部控制行动的人之间的比较通常表明，前者相对于后者，具有更多的兴趣，兴奋和信心，这反过来又是表现为提升的表现，毅力和创造力（Deci＆Ryan，1991; Sheldon，Ryan，Rawsthorne，＆Ilardi，1997）和高度活力（Nix，Ryan，Manly，＆Deci，1999），自尊（Deci＆ Ryan，1995）和普遍意义的幸福（Ryan，Deci，＆Grolnick，1995）。甚至人们对活动具有相同水平的胜任感或自我效能，情况也是如此。

Because of the functional and experiential differences between self-motivation and external regulation,a major focus of SDT has been to supply a more differentiated approach to motivation, by asking what kind of motivation is being exhibited at any given time. By considering the perceived forces that move a person to act, SDT has been able to identify several distinct types of motivation, each of which has specifiable consequences for learning, performance, personal experience, and well-being. Also, by articulating a set of principles concerning how each type of motivation is developed and sustained, or forestalled and undermined, SDT at once recognizes a positive thrust to human nature and provides an account of passivity, alienation, and psychopathology.

由于自我动机和外部监管之间的功能和经验差异，SDT的一个主要焦点是通过询问在任何给定时间展示出什么样的动机来提供更加差异化的动机倾向。通过考虑驱动一个人行动的胜任感，SDT已经能够识别出几种不同类型的动机，每种动机都可预测学习，表现，个人经历和幸福。此外，通过阐述一系列关于如何发展和维持，或预防和破坏每种动机的原则，SDT立即认识到对人性的积极推动，并提供了被动，异化和精神病理学的说明。

Intrinsic Motivation

内在动机

Perhaps no single phenomenon reflects the positive potential of human nature as much as intrinsic motivation, the inherent tendency to seek out novelty and challenges, to extend and exercise one's capacities, to explore, and to learn. Developmentalists acknowledge that from the time of birth, children, in their healthiest states, are active, inquisitive, curious, and playful, even in the absence of specific rewards(e.g., Harter,1978). The construct of intrinsic motivation describes this natural inclination toward assimilation, mastery, spontaneous interest, and exploration that is so essential to cognitive and social development and that represents a principal source of enjoyment and vitality throughout life (Csikszentmihalyi & Rathunde,1993; Ryan,1995).

也许没有任何一种现象能够像内在动机一样反映人性的积极潜能，即寻求新奇和挑战，提升个人能力，探索和学习的内在倾向。发展心理学认为，从出生时起，即使在没有特定奖励的情况下，处于最健康状态的儿童也是积极的，好奇的，好奇的和爱玩的（例如，Harter，1978）。内在动机的构造描述了这种对同化，掌握，自发兴趣和探索的自然倾向，这对于认知和社会发展是至关重要的，并且是整个生命中享受和活力的主要来源。（Csikszentmihalyi＆Rathunde，1993; Ryan，1995））。

感想：Scratch终身幼儿园，不愧是建构主义、皮亚杰、赫伯特西蒙的学生德西

Yet, despite the fact that humans are liberally endowed with intrinsic motivational tendencies, the evidenceis now clear that the maintenance and enhancement of this inherent propensity requires supportive conditions, as it can be fairly readily disrupted by various nonsupportive conditions. Thus, our theory of intrinsic motivation does not concern what causes intrinsic motivation(which we view as an evolved propensity; Ryan et al.,1997); rather, it examines the conditions that elicit and sustain, versus subdue and diminish, this innate propensity.

然而，尽管人类被与生俱来地赋予了内在的动机倾向，但现在的证据清楚地表明，维持和增强这种固有倾向需要支持性条件，因为它可以很容易地受到各种非支持性条件的干扰。因此，我们的内在动机理论并不关心导致内在动机的原因（我们认为这是一种进化倾向-进化心理学; Ryan等，1997）;相反，它考察引发和维持，而不是抑制和削弱，这种先天的倾向。

Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) was presented by Deci and Ryan(1985) as a subtheory within SDT that had the aim of specifying factors that explain variability inintrinsic motivation. CET is framed in terms of social and environmental factors that facilitate versus undermine intrinsic motivation, using language that reflects the assumption that intrinsic motivation, being inherent, will be catalyzed when individuals are in conditions that conduce toward its expression. In other words, it will flourish if circumstances permit. Put in this way, the study of conditions that facilitate versus undermine intrinsic motivation is an important first step in understanding sources of both alienation and liberation of the positive aspects of human nature.

认知评价理论（CET）由Deci和Ryan（1985）提出，作为SDT中的一个子理论，其目的是指定解释内在动机可变性的因素。 CET以社会和环境因素为框架，促进与破坏内在动机，使用的语言反映了当个体处于有助于其表达的条件时，内在动机（固有的）将被催化的假设。换句话说，如果情况许可，它将蓬勃发展。以这种方式，研究促进与破坏内在动机的条件是理解人性的积极方面的异化和释放的来源的重要的第一步。

CET, which focuses on the fundamental needs for competence and autonomy, was formulated to integrate results from initial laboratory experiments on the effects of rewards, feedback, and other external events on intrinsic motivation, and was subsequently tested and extended by field studies in various settings. The theory argues, first, that social-contextual events(e.g., feedback, communications, rewards) that conduce toward feelings of competence during action can enhance intrinsic motivation for that action. Accordingly, optimal challenges, effectance-promoting feedback, and freedom from demeaning evaluations were all found to facilitate intrinsic motivation. For example, early studies showed that positive performance feed-back enhanced intrinsic motivation, whereas negative performance feedback diminished it(Deci,1975), and research by Vallerand and Reid (1984) showed that these effects were mediated by perceived competence.

CET专注于能力和自主的基本需求，旨在整合初始实验室实验的结果，奖励，反馈和其他外部事件对内在动机的影响，随后通过各种环境的实地研究进行测试和扩展。该理论认为，首先，在行动中有助于感受能力的社会情境事件（例如，反馈，沟通，奖励）可以增强该行动的内在动机。因此，发现最佳挑战，促进效应的反馈以及免于贬低评价的内容都有助于促进内在动机。例如，早期的研究表明，积极的表现反馈增强了内在动机，而消极的绩效反馈减弱了它（Deci，1975），Vallerand和Reid（1984）的研究表明这些效应是由胜任感所调节的。

CET further specifies, and studies have shown(Fisher,1978; Ryan,1982), that feelings of competence will not enhance intrinsic motivation unless accompanied by a sense of autonomy or, in attributional terms, by an internal perceived locus of causality(deCharms,1968). Thus, according to CET, people must not only experience competence or efficacy, they must also experience their behavior as self-determined for intrinsic motivation to be in evidence. This requires either immediate contextual supports for autonomy and competence or abiding inner resources(Reeve,1996) that are typically the result of prior developmental supports for perceived autonomy and competence.

CET进一步指出，研究表明（Fisher，1978; Ryan，1982），除非伴随着自主性，胜任感不会增强内在动机，或者归因于内在胜任感的因果关系（deCharms，1968））。因此，根据CET，人们不仅必须经历能力或功效，他们还必须经历他们的行为，因为他们的内在动机是自我决定的。这需要即时支持自主和能力或持久的内部资源（Reeve，1996），这通常是先前发展支持自主性和胜任感的结果。

In fact, most of the research on the effects of environmental events in intrinsic motivation has focused on the issue of autonomy versus control rather than that of com-petence. Research on this issue has been considerably more controversial. It began with the repeated demonstration that extrinsic rewards can undermine intrinsic motivation. Deci(1975) interpreted these results in terms of rewards facilitating a more external perceived locus of causality(i.e., diminished autonomy). Although the issue of reward effects has been hotly debated,a recent, comprehensive meta-analysis(Deci, Koestner,& Ryan,1999) confirmed, in spite of claims to the contrary by Eisenberger and Cameron (1996), that all expected tangible rewards made contingent on task performance do reliably undermine intrinsic motivation.

事实上，大多数关于环境事件对内在动机影响的研究都集中在自主性与控制而不是胜任感问题上。关于这个问题的研究引起了更多争议。它始于反复证明外在奖励可以破坏内在动机。 Deci（1975）用奖励来解释这些结果，从而促进更多外部感知的因果关系（即，减少了自主性）。尽管奖励效应的问题一直备受争议，但最近一项全面的荟萃分析（Deci，Koestner，＆Ryan，1999）证实，尽管Eisenberger和Cameron（1996）声称相反，但所有预期的有形奖励都是如此。任务绩效确实破坏内在动机。

Also, research revealed that not only tangible rewards but also threats, deadlines, directives, pressured evaluations, and imposed goals diminish intrinsic motivation because, like tangible rewards, they conduce toward an external perceived locus of causality. In contrast, choice, acknowledgment of feelings, and opportunities for selfdirection were found to enhance intrinsic motivation because they allow people a greater feeling of autonomy (Deci& Ryan,1985). Field studies have further shown that teachers who are autonomy supportive(in contrast to controlling) catalyze in their students greater intrinsic motivation, curiosity, and desire for challenge(e.g., Deci, Nezlek,& Sheinman,1981; Flink, Boggiano,& Barrett,1990; Ryan & Grolnick,1986). Students taught with a more controlling approach not only lose initiative but learn less effectively, especially when learning requires conceptual, creative processing (Amabile,1996; Grolnick & Ryan,1987; Utman,1997). Similarly, studies showed that autonomy-supportive parents, relative to controlling parents, have children who are more intrinsically motivated(Grolnick, Deci,& Ryan,1997). Such findings generalized to other domains such as sport and music in which supports for autonomy and competence by parents and mentors incite more intrinsic motivation (e.g., Frederick & Ryan,1995).

此外，研究表明，不仅是物质奖励，而且包括胁迫、截止日期、指派、风险评估和强加目标都会削弱内在动机，因为它们像物质奖励一样，有助于产生外部感知的因果关系。相比之下，选择、认同情感和自我导向的因素被发现可以增强内在动机，因为它们让人们有更大的自主性（Deci＆Ryan，1985）。实地研究进一步表明，自主性支持（与控制相反）的教师会激发学生更大的内在动机，好奇心和挑战欲望（例如，Deci，Nezlek，＆Sheinman，1981; Flink，Boggiano，＆Barrett， 1990; Ryan＆Grolnick，1986）。特别是当学习需要概念性，创造性处理时，以更有控制力的方法教学的学生不仅失去主动性而且学习效率较低，（Amabile，1996; Grolnick＆Ryan，1987; Utman，1997）。同样，研究表明，与控制父母相比，自主支持父母的孩子更具有内在动机（Grolnick，Deci，＆Ryan，1997）。这些发现推广到其他领域，如体育和音乐，其中父母和导师的自主权和能力支持会激励更多的内在动机（例如，Frederick＆Ryan，1995）。

Although autonomy and competence supports are highly salient for producing variability in intrinsic motivation,a third factor, relatedness, also bears on its expression.In infancy, intrinsic motivation is readily observable as exploratory behavior and, as suggested by attachment theorists(e.g., Bowlby,1979), it is more evident when the infant is securely attached to a parent. Studies of mothers and infants have, indeed, shown that both security and maternal autonomy support predict more exploratory behavior in the infants (e.g., Frodi, Bridges,& Grolnick,1985). SDT hypothesizes that a similar dynamic occurs in interpersonal settings over the life span, with intrinsic motivation more likely to flourish in contexts characterized by a sense of security and relatedness. For example, Anderson, Manoogian, and Reznick (1976) found that when children worked on an interesting task in the presence of an adult stranger who ignored them and failed to respond to their initiations,a very low level of intrinsic motivation resulted, and Ryan and Grolnick (1986) observed lower intrinsic motivation in students who experienced their teachers as cold and uncaring. Of course, many intrinsically motivated behaviors are happily performed in isolation, suggesting that proximal relational supports may not be necessary for intrinsic motivation, but a secure relational base does seem to be important for the expression of intrinsic motivation to be in evidence.

尽管自主性和胜任感支持对于产生内在动机的变异性非常重要，而第三个因素，即归属感也与内在动机高度相关。在婴儿期，内在动机很容易被观察为探索性行为，并且如依附理论心理学家所建议的那样（例如，Bowlby，当婴儿牢固地依附在父母身上时，更明显。事实上，对母亲和婴儿的研究表明，母亲的安全和自主性支持预示着婴儿中更多的探索行为（例如，Frodi，Bridges，＆Grolnick，1985）。 SDT假设在一生的人际环境中也出现类似的情况，内在动机更可能在以安全感和归属感为特征的环境中发展。例如，Anderson，Manoogian和Reznick（1976）发现，孩子们进行一个有趣的任务时，一个成年陌生人出现时，即使这个陌生人忽略了他们并且没有对孩子们做出反应，也会产生非常低水平的内在动机，而Ryan而格罗尼克（Grolnick，1986）观察到，那些经历过教师冷漠对待的学生的内在动机较低。当然，很多内在动机的行为在孤立情况下更快乐，这表明亲近的归属关系支持对于内在动机可能不是必需的，但是一个安全的关系基础似乎对内在动机的表达很重要。

To summarize, the CET framework suggests that social environments can facilitate or forestall intrinsic motivation by supporting versus thwarting people's innate psychological needs. Strong links between intrinsic motivation and satisfaction of the needs for autonomy and competence have been clearly demonstrated, and some work suggests that satisfaction of the need for relatedness, at least in a distal sense, may also be important for intrinsic motivation.It is critical to remember, however, that people will be intrinsically motivated only for activities that hold intrinsic interest for them, activities that have the appeal of novelty, challenge, or aesthetic value. For activities that do not hold such appeal, the principles of CET do not apply, because the activities will not be experienced as intrinsically motivated to begin with. To understand the motivation for thoseactivities, we need to look more deeply into the nature and dynamics of extrinsic motivation.

总而言之，CET框架表明，社会环境可以通过满足人们天生的心理需求来促进或预防内在动机。内在动机与满足自主性和胜任感需求之间的紧密联系已得到明确证实，一些工作表明，至少在一定意义上对归属感需求的满足也可能对内在动机很重要。对于但请记住，人们只会因为对他们有内在兴趣的活动而具有内在动机，这些活动具有新颖性，挑战性或审美价值的吸引力。对于没有这种上诉的活动，CET的原则不适用，因为这些活动不会因为本质上的动机而开始。要理解这些活动的动机，我们需要更深入地研究外在动机的本质和动态。

Self-Regulation of Extrinsic Motivation

外在动机的自我调节

Although intrinsic motivation is an important type of motivation, it is not the only type or even the only type of self-determined motivation (Deci & Ryan,1985). Indeed, much of what people do is not, strictly speaking, intrinsically motivated, especially after early childhood when the freedom to be intrinsically motivated is increasingly curtailed by social pressures to do activities that are not interesting and to assume a variety of new responsibilities(Ryan & La Guardia, in press).

虽然内在动机是一种重要的动机，但它并不是唯一一种自我决定的动机（Deci＆Ryan，1985）。事实上，严格来说，人们所做的大部分工作都不是内在的动机，特别是在幼儿时期，内在动机的自由越来越受到社会压力的限制，这种压力使得活动变得不那么有趣并且承担了各种新的责任（Ryan＆La Guardia，印刷中）。

The real question concerning nonintrinsically motivated practices is how individuals acquire the motivation to carry them out and how this motivation affects on going persistence, behavioral quality, and well-being. Whenever a person(be it a parent, teacher, boss, coach, or therapist)attempts to foster certain behaviors in others, the others'motivation for the behavior can range from amotivation or unwillingness, to passive compliance, to active personal commitment. According to SDT, these different motivations reflect differing degrees to which the value and regulation of the requested behavior have been internalized and integrated. Internalization refers to people's "taking in" a value or regulation, and integration refers to the further transformation of that regulation into their own so that, subsequently, it will emanate from their sense of self.

关于非本能动机实践的真正问题是个人如何获得这些实践的动机以及这种动机如何影响持续的持久性，行为质量和幸福感。每当一个人（无论是父母，教师，老板，教练或治疗师）试图在其他人中培养某些行为时，其他人对行为的动机可以从动机或不愿意到被动遵守，再到积极的个人承诺。根据SDT，这些不同的动机反映了所要求的行为的价值和规则被内化和整合的不同程度。 内化是指人们“接受”的价值或规则，而整合是指将规则进一步转化为自身，以便随后从他们的自我意识中产生。

Internalization and integration are clearly central issues in childhood socialization, but they are also continually relevant for the regulation of behavior across the life span. In nearly every setting people enter, certain behaviors and values are prescribed, behaviors that are not interesting and values that are not spontaneously adopted. Accordingly, SDT has addressed the issues of(a) the processes through which such nonintrinsically motivated behaviors can become truly self-determined, and (b) the ways in which the social environment influences those processes.

内化和整合显然是儿童社会化的核心问题，但它们也与一生中的行为规范持续相关。在人们进入的几乎每个环境中，都规定了某些没有兴趣的行为和不自发产生价值观。因此，SDT已经解决了以下问题：（a）这种非内在动机行为成为真正自我决定的过程，以及（b）社会环境如何影响这些过程。

The term extrinsic motivation refers to the performance of an activity in order to attain some separable outcome and, thus, contrasts with intrinsic motivation, which refers to doing an activity for the inherent satisfaction of the activity itself. Unlike some perspectives that view extrinsically motivated behavior as invariantly non-autonomous, SDT proposes that extrinsic motivation can vary greatly in its relative autonomy (Ryan & Connell,1989; Vallerand,1997). For example, students who do their homework because they personally grasp its value for theirchosen career are extrinsically motivated, as are those who do the work only because they are adhering to their parents'control. Both examples involve instrumentalities rather than enjoyment of the work itself, yet the former case of extrinsic motivation entails personal endorsement and a feeling of choice, whereas the latter involves compliance with an external regulation. Both represent intentional behavior(Heider,1958), but they vary in their relative autonomy. The former, of course, is the type of extrinsic motivation that is sought by astute socializing agents regardless of the applied domain.

外在动机一词是指为了获得某种可分离的结果而进行的活动的表现（获得活动之外的奖励），因此与内在动机形成对比，内在动机是指为活动本身的内在满足而进行的活动。与将外在动机行为视为不可自主的一些观点不同，SDT提出外在动机在其相对自主性中可能有很大差异（Ryan＆Connell，1989; Vallerand，1997）。例如，做功课的学生，因为他们亲自掌握自己职业生涯的价值，这些都是外在动机，因为那些只是因为他们坚持父母的控制而做这项工作的学生。这两个例子都涉及工具而不是工作本身的享受，但前一种外在动机的情况需要个人认可和选择感，而后者涉及遵守外部规则。两者都代表故意行为（Heider，1958），但它们的相对自主性各不相同。当然，前者是敏锐的社交代理人寻求的外在动机的类型，无论应用领域如何。

外部调节：关注外在的惩罚和奖励

内摄调节：关注人们有动力证明能力（或避免失败）以保持价值感。人们有动力证明能力（或避免失败）以保持价值感。

认同调节反映了对行为目标或规则的有意识的评价，使得行为被接受或被认为是个人重要的（为了前景而考研）。

整合调节：与其他价值观和需求保持一致。以整合动机为特征的行动与内在动机共享许多品质，尽管它们仍然被认为是外在的，因为它们是为了获得可分离的结果而不是为了它们固有的享受（为了名利）

内在调节：事情本身的享受

Within SDT, Deci and Ryan (1985) introduced a second subtheory, called organismic integration theory(OIT), to detail the different forms of extrinsic motivation and the contextual factors that either promote or hinder internalization and integration of the regulation for these behaviors. Figure 1 illustrates the OIT taxonomy of motivational types, arranged from left to right in terms of the degree to which the motivations emanate from the self(i.e., are self-determined).

在SDT中，Deci和Ryan（1985）引入了第二个子理论，称为有机整合理论（OIT），以详细说明外在动机的不同形式和促进或阻碍这些行为的规则的内化和整合的背景因素。图1说明了动机类型的OIT分类，按照动机从自身发出的程度（即自我决定）从左到右排列。

At the far left of the self-determination continuum is amotivation, the state of lacking the intention to act. When amotivated, people either do not act at all or act without intent-they just go through the motions. Amotivation results from not valuing an activity(Ryan,1995), not feeling competent to do it(Bandura,1986), or not expecting it to yield a desired outcome(Seligman,1975). To the right of amotivation in Figure 1 are five classifications of motivated behavior. Although many theorists have treated motivation as a unitary concept, each of the categories identified within OIT describes theoretically, experientially, and functionally distinct types of motivation. At the far right of the continuum is the classic state of intrinsic motivation, the doing of an activity for its inherent satisfactions. It is highly autonomous and represents the prototypic instanceof self-determination. Extrinsically motivated behaviors, by contrast, cover the continuum between amotivation and intrinsic motivation, varying in the extent to which their regulation is autonomous.

在自我决定连续体的最左边是无动于衷，缺乏行动意图的状态。无动于衷时，人们要么根本不采取行动，要么无意地采取行动，他们只是通过动议。无法评估活动的结果（Ryan，1995），没有能力去做（Bandura，1986），或者不期望它能产生预期的结果（Seligman，1975）。图1中的动机权利分为五种动机行为分类。尽管许多理论家将动机视为一个统一的概念，但OIT中确定的每个类别都描述了理论上，经验上和功能上不同的动机类型。在连续统一体的最右边是内在动机的经典状态，即为其固有的满足而进行的活动。它是高度自主化的，代表了自我决定的原型实例。相比之下，外在动机行为涵盖了动机与内在动机之间的连续性，其调节的自主程度各不相同。

The extrinsically motivated behaviors that are least autonomous are referred to as externally regulated.Such behaviors are performed to satisfy an external demand or reward contingency. Individuals typically experience externally regulated behavior as controlled or alienated, and their actions have an external perceived locus of causality(deCharms,1968). External regulation is the type of motivation focused on by operant theorists (e.g., Skinner,1953), and it is external regulation that was typically contrasted with intrinsic motivation in early laboratory and field studies.

最不自主的外在动机行为被称为外部监管。这些行为是为了满足外部需求或奖励意外事件。个体通常会受到外部管制行为的控制或疏离，并且他们的行为具有外部感知的因果关系（deCharms，1968）。外部调节是行为主义心理学家关注的动机类型（例如，Skinner，1953），而外部调节通常与早期实验室和实地研究中的内在动机形成对比。

A second type of extrinsic motivation is labeled introjected regulation. Introjection involves taking in a regulation but not fully accepting it as one's own. It is a relatively controlled form of regulation in which behaviors are performed to avoid guilt or anxiety or to attain ego enhancements such as pride. Put differently, introjection represents regulation by contingent self-esteem (Deci&Ryan,1995).A classic form of introjection is ego involvement(deCharms,1968; Nicholls,1984; Ryan,1982), in which people are motivated to demonstrate ability(or avoid failure) in order to maintain feelings of worth. Although internally driven, introjected behaviors still have an external perceived locus of causality and are not really experienced as part of the self. Thus, in some studies, external regulation (being interpersonally controlled) and introjected regulation(being intrapersonally controlled) have been combined to form a controlled motivation composite(e.g.. Williams, Grow, Freedman, Ryan,& Deci,1996).

第二种外在动机被标记为内摄调节。内摄涉及接受规则，但不完全接受它作为自己的规则。它是一种相对受控制的监管形式，其中执行行为以避免内疚或焦虑或获得自尊等自我增强。换句话说，内摄代表了偶然自尊的调节（Deci＆Ryan，1995）。一种典型的内摄调节形式是自我介入（deCharms，1968; Nicholls，1984; Ryan，1982），其中人们有动力证明能力（或避免失败）以保持价值感。虽然是内部驱动，但内摄行为仍然具有外部感知的因果关系，并且不是真正体验自我的一部分。因此，在一些研究中，外部调节（人际控制）和内在调节（人为控制）已经结合起来形成受控制的动机综合（例如Williams，Grow，Freedman，Ryan，＆Deci，1996）。

A more autonomous, or self-determined, form of extrinsic motivation is regulation through identification.Identification reflects a conscious valuing of a behavioral goal or regulation, such that the action is accepted orowned as personally important. Finally, the most autonomous form of extrinsic motivation is integrated regulation.Integration occurs when identified regulations are fullyassimilated to the self, which means they have been evaluated and brought into congruence with one's other values and needs. Actions characterized by integrated motivation share many qualities with intrinsic motivation, although they are still considered extrinsic because they are done to attain separable outcomes rather than for their inherent enjoyment. In some studies, identified, integrated, and intrinsic forms of regulation have been combined to form an autonomous motivation composite.

更自主性或自我决定的外在动机形式是通过认同进行调节。认同反映了对行为目标或规则的有意识的评价，使得行为被接受或被认为是个人重要的（为了前景而考研）。最后，最自主的外在动机形式是整合调节。当认同出的规则完全与自我同化时，就会发生整合，这意味着它们已被评估并与其他价值观和需求保持一致。以整合动机为特征的行动与内在动机共享许多品质，尽管它们仍然被认为是外在的，因为它们是为了获得可分离的结果而不是为了它们固有的享受（为了名利）。在一些研究中，已经确定的，综合的和内在的监管形式相结合，形成了一种自主动机综合体。

As people internalize regulations and assimilate them to the self, they experience greater autonomy in action.This process may occur in stages, over time, but we are not suggesting that it is a developmental continuum in the sense that people must progress through each stage of internalization with respect to a particular regulation.Rather, they can relatively readily internalize a new behavioral regulation at any point along this continuum depend-ing on both prior experiences and current situational factors(Ryan,1995). Nonetheless, the range of behaviors that can be assimilated to the self increases over time with increased cognitive capacities and ego development (Loevinger&Blasi,1991), and there is evidence that children's generalregulatory style does tend to become more internalized or self-regulated over time (e.g., Chandler & Connell,1987).

当人们将规则内化并将其融入自我时，他们会在行动中获得更大的自主权。这个过程可能会分阶段发生，但是我们并不是说这是一个发展的连续统一体，因为人们必须在每个阶段关于特定规则的内化都取得进步。相反，他们可以相对容易地在这个连续体的任何一点内部化新的行为规则，这取决于先前的经验和当前的情境因素（Ryan，1995）。尽管如此，随着时间的推移，随着时间的推移，随着认知能力和自我发展的增加，可以与自我同化的行为范围也在增加（Loevinger＆Blasi，1991），并且有证据表明儿童的一般调节风格确实会随着时间的推移变得更加内化或自我调节（例如，Chandler＆Connell，1987）。

Ryan and Connell(1989) tested the formulation that these different types of motivation, with their distinct properties, lie along a continuum of relative autonomy. They investigated achievement behaviors among school children and found that external, introjected, identified, and intrinsicregulatory styles were intercorrelated according to a quasisimplex pattern, thus providing evidence for an underlying continuum. Furthermore, differences in the type of extrinsic motivation were associated with different experiences and outcomes. For example, the more students were externally regulated the less they showed interest, value, and effort toward achievement and the more they tended to disown responsibility for negative outcomes, blaming oth-ers such as the teacher. Introjected regulation was positively related to expending more effort, but it was also related to feeling more anxiety and coping more poorly with failures. In contrast, identified regulation was associated with more interest and enjoyment of school and with more positive coping styles, as well as with expending more effort.

Ryan和Connell（1989）测试了这些不同类型的动机及其独特属性的表述，它们位于相对自主性的连续体中。他们调查了学龄儿童的成就行为，发现外部，内摄，认同和内在的调节风格是根据准复杂模式相互关联的，从而为潜在的连续统一体提供了证据。此外，外在动机类型的差异与不同的经历和结果有关。例如，受外部监管的学生越多，他们对成就表现出的兴趣，价值和努力就越少，他们就越倾向于否定负面结果的责任，指责老师等其他人。内摄调节与花费更多努力正相关，但也与感觉更多的焦虑和应对更多的失败有关。相比之下，认同调节与更多的学校兴趣和享受以及更积极的应对方式以及花费更多的努力相关联。

Other studies in education extended these findings, showing that more autonomous extrinsic motivation was associated with more engagement (Connell & Wellborn,1991), better performance (Miserandino,1996), lower dropout(Vallerand & Bissonnette,1992), higher quality learning(Grolnick & Ryan,1987), and better teacher ratings(Hayamizu,1997), among other outcomes.

其他教育研究扩展了这些发现，表明更多的自主性外在动机与更深入的参与（Connell＆Wellborn，1991），更好的表现（Miserandino，1996），更低的辍学（Vallerand＆Bissonnette，1992），更高质量的学习（Grolnick）有关。＆Ryan，1987），以及更好的教师评级（Hayamizu，1997），以及其他结果。

In the realm of health care, greater internalization has been associated with greater adherence to medications among people with chronic illnesses(Williams, Rodin, Ryan, Grolnick,& Deci,1998), better long-term maintenance of weight loss among morbidly obese patients(Williams et al.,1996), improved glucose control among diabetics(Williams, Freedman,& Deci,1998), and greater attendance and involvement in an addiction-treatment program(Ryan, Plant,& O' Malley,1995).

在医疗保健领域，更多的内在化与慢性病患者更多地坚持服用药物有关（Williams，Rodin，Ryan，Grolnick，＆Deci，1998），病态肥胖患者体重减轻的长期维持更好（ Williams等人，1996）改善了糖尿病患者的血糖控制（Williams，Freedman，＆Deci，1998），以及更多的出勤和参与成瘾治疗计划（Ryan，Plant，＆O'Malley，1995）。

Demonstrations of positive outcomes being associated with more internalized motivation have also emerged in other diverse domains, including religion(Ryan, Rigby,&King,1993), physical exercise(Chatzisarantis, Biddle,&Meek,1997), political activity(Koestner, Losier, Valler-and,& Carducci,1996), environmental activism (Green-Demers, Pelletier,& Menard,1997), and intimate relation-ships (Blais, Sabourin, Boucher,& Vallerand,1990), among others.

The advantages of greater internalization appear, then, to be manifold(Ryan et al.,1997), including more behavioral effectiveness, greater volitional persistence, enhanced subjective well-being, and better assimilation of the individual within his or her social group.

其他多元化领域也出现了积极结果与更多内在动机相关的证据，包括宗教（Ryan，Rigby，＆King，1993），体育锻炼（Chatzisarantis，Biddle，＆Meek，1997），政治活动（Koestner，Losier，Valler） -and，＆Carducci，1996），环保行动主义（Green-Demers，Pelletier，＆Menard，1997），以及亲密关系（Blais，Sabourin，Boucher，＆Vallerand，1990）等。

然后，更大内在的优势似乎是多方面的（Ryan等，1997），包括更多的行为效果，更大的意志坚持，增强的主观幸福感，以及在他或她的社会群体中更好地同化个体。

Facilitating Integration of Extrinsic Motivation

促进外在动机的整合

Given the significance of internalization for personal experience and behavioral outcomes, the critical issue becomes how to promote autonomous regulation for extrinsically motivated behaviors. That is, what are the social conditions that nurture versus inhibit internalization and integration?

Because extrinsically motivated behaviors are not typically interesting, the primary reason people initially perform such actions is because the behaviors are prompted, modeled, or valued by significant others to whom they feel (or want to feel) attached or related. This suggests that relatedness, the need to feel belongingess and connectedness with others, is centrally important for internalization.Thus, OIT proposes that internalization is more likely to bein evidence when there are ambient supports for feelings of relatedness. For example, Ryan, Stiller, and Lynch(1994)showed that the children who had more fully internalized the regulation for positive school-related behaviors were those who felt securely connected to, and cared for by, their parents and teachers.

鉴于内在化对个人经验和行为结果的重要性，关键问题是如何促进对外在动机行为的自主调节。也就是说，促进与抑制内化和整合的社会条件是什么？

由于外在动机行为通常不是很有趣，因此人们最初执行此类行为的主要原因是，行为是由他们感觉（或想要感觉）与之依恋或有关系的重要人员提示、模仿或重视的。这表明，依恋、归属感和与他人关系的需要，对于内化是至关重要的。因此，OIT提出，当存在归属感的环境支持时，内化更有可能成为证据。例如，Ryan，Stiller和Lynch（1994）表明，那些对学校相关的积极行为进行更全面内化的孩子是那些感觉与父母和老师有着紧密联系并得到照顾的孩子。

The relative internalization of extrinsically motivated activities is also a function of perceived competence. People are more likely to adopt activities that relevant social groups value when they feel efficacious with respect to those activities. As is the case with all intentional action, OIT suggests that supports for competence should facilitate internalization(Vallerand,1997). Thus, for example, children who are directed to perform behaviors before they are developmentally ready to master them or understand their rationale would be predicted, at best, only to partially internalize the regulations, remaining either externally regulated or introiected.

外在动机活动的相对内化也是胜任感的作用。人们更有可能采取相关社会群体所重视的活动，当人们对这些活动感到胜任时。与所有有意识行为的情况一样，OIT认为对胜任感的支持应促进内化（Vallerand，1997）。因此，例如，在准备好掌握理论基础之前，被要求执行行为的儿童最多只能内化部分规则，保持外部调节或者内摄调节。

Finally, the experience of autonomy facilitates internalization and, in particular, is a critical element for a regulation to be integrated. Contexts can yield external regulation if there are salient rewards or threats and the person feels competent enough to comply; contexts can yield introjected regulation if a relevant reference group endorses the activity and the person feels competent and related; but contexts can yield autonomous regulation only if they are autonomy supportive, thus allowing the person to feel competent, related, and autonomous. To integrate aregulation, people must grasp its meaning and synthesize that meaning with respect to their other goals and values.Such deep, holistic processing(Kuhl & Fuhrmann,1998) is facilitated by a sense of choice, volition, and freedom from excessive external pressure toward behaving or thinking a certain way. In this sense, support for autonomy allows individuals to actively transform values into their own.

最后，自主性的经验促进内在化，而且是整合调节的关键要素。如果存在显着的奖励或威胁并且该人员有足够的胜任感来顺从，则环境可以产生外部调节;如果相关参考小组认可该活动并且该人感到胜任和相关，则该背景可以产生内部调节;但是，只有当他们支持自主性时才能产生自主调节，从而使人能够感到胜任感，归属感和自主性。为了整合调节，人们必须掌握其意义，并根据其遵循（操守）的目标和价值观综合其意义得以促进（Kuhl＆Fuhrmann，1998）是通过选择感、意志和免于过度外部压力的自由来促进的。走向行为或以某种方式思考。从这个意义上说，对自主性的支持允许个人积极地将外部价值观转化为自己的价值观。

Again, research results have supported this reasoning.For example, Deci, Eghrari, Patrick, and Leone (1994)demonstrated in a laboratory experiment that providing ameaningful rationale for an uninteresting behavior, along with supports for autonomy and relatedness, promoted its internalization and integration. Controlling contexts yielded less overall internalization, and the internalization that did occur in those contexts tended to be only introjected. Using parent interviews, Grolnick and Ryan(1989) found greater internalization of school-related values among children whose parents were more supportive of autonomy and relatedness. Strahan (1995) found thatparents who were more autonomy-supportive promoted greater religious identification, as opposed to introjection, in their offspring. Williams and Deci(1996), using a longitudinal design, demonstrated greater internalization of biopsychosocial values and practices among medical students whose instructors were more autonomy-supportive.These are but a few of the many findings suggesting that supports for relatedness and competence facilitate internal-ization and that supports for autonomy also facilitate integration of behavioral regulations. When that occurs, people feel not only competent and related but also autonomous as they carry out culturally valued activities.

同样，研究结果支持了这种推理。例如，Deci，Eghrari，Patrick和Leone（1994）在实验室实验中证明，为无趣的行为提供了有意义的理由，同时支持自主性和归属感，促进了其内化和整合 。控制环境产生的整体内部化程度较低（非意义镀金），而且在这些背景下确实发生的内部化往往只会被内摄调节。通过家长访谈，Grolnick和Ryan（1989）发现，在父母更支持自主化和归属感的孩子中，学校相关价值观更加内化。 Strahan（1995）发现，更多自主化支持的父母在他们的后代中促进了更大的宗教认同，而不是内摄调节。 Williams和Deci（1996）使用纵向设计，证明了教师更具自主性支持医学生的生物心理社会价值观和实践更加内化。这些只是许多研究结果中的一小部分，表明支持归属感和胜任感有助于内部 - 支持自治也有助于整合行为规则。当这种情况发生时，人们感到不仅有归属感和胜任感，而且在进行具有文化价值的活动时也是自主的。

One further point needs to be made regarding the controversial issue of human autonomy. The concept of autonomy has often been portrayed as being antagonistic to relatedness or community. In fact, some theories equate autonomy with concepts such as individualism and independence (e.g, Steinberg & Silverberg,1986), which do indeed imply low relatedness. But, within SDT, autonomy refers not to being independent, detached, or selfish but rather to the feeling of volition that can accompany any act, whether dependent or independent, collectivist or individualist. In fact, recent research in Korean and U.S. samples has found a more positive relation between autonomy and collectivistic attitudes than between autonomy and individualistic attitudes(Kim, Butzel,& Ryan,1998). Furthermore, research has shown positive, rather than negative, links between relatedness to parents and autonomy in teenagers(Ryan & Lynch,1989; Ryan et al.,1994). Clearly, then, we do not equate autonomy with independence or individualism.

关于有争议的人类自主性问题还需要进一步说明。自主性的概念经常被描述为与归属感或社区相对立。事实上，一些理论将自主性与个人主义和独立性等概念等同起来（例如，Steinberg＆Silverberg，1986），这确实意味着低归属感。但是，在SDT中，自主性不是指独立，超脱或自私，而是指伴随任何行为的意志感，无论是依赖还是独立，集体主义还是个人主义。事实上，最近对韩国和美国样本的研究发现，自主性与集体主义态度之间的关系比自主性与个人主义态度之间的关系更为积极（Kim，Butzel，＆Ryan，1998）。此外，研究表明，父母的归属感与青少年的自主性之间存在积极而非消极的联系（Ryan＆Lynch，1989; Ryan等，1994）。显然，我们并不把自主性与自主或个人主义等同起来。

Alienation and Its Prevention

异化及其预防

异化

1.相似或相同的事物逐渐变得不相似或不相同。

2.哲学上指：主体发展到了一定阶段，分裂出自己的对立面，变为了外在的异己的力量。

SDT aims to specify factors that nurture the innate humanpotentials entailed in growth, integration, and well-being, and to explore the processes and conditions that foster the healthy development and effective functioning of individuals, groups, and communities. But a positive approach cannot ignore pathology or close its eyes to the alienation and inauthenticity that are prevalent in our society and in others. Accordingly, we investigate nonoptimal(as well as optimal) developmental trajectories, much as is done in the field of developmental psychopathology (e.g, Cicchetti,1991). We now turn to a brief consideration of that issue.

SDT旨在例举培养促进，融合和福祉所固有的人类潜能的因素，并探索促进个人，群体和社区健康发展和有效运作的过程和条件。但积极的方法不能忽视病理学，也不能忽视我们社会和其他人普遍存在的异化和不真实。因此，我们研究非最佳（以及最佳）发展路线，就像在发展精神病理学领域所做的那样（例如，Cicchetti，1991）。我们现在转向对该问题的简要考虑。

By definition, intrinsically motivated behaviors, the prototype of self-determined actions, stem from the self.They are unalienated and authentic in the fullest sense of those terms. But, as already noted, SDT recognizes that extrinsically motivated actions can also become self-determined as individuals identify with and fully assimilate their regulation. Thus, it is through internalization and integration that individuals can be extrinsically motivated and still be committed and authentic. Accumulated research now suggests that the commitment and authenticity reflected in intrinsic motivation and integrated extrinsic motivation are most likely to be evident when individuals experience supports for competence, autonomy, and relatedness.

根据定义，内在动机的行为，即自我决定行动的原型，源于自我。他们在这些术语的最完整意义上是纯粹真实的。但是，正如已经指出的那样，SDT认识到外在动机的行为也可以随着个体认同并完全同化其自我决定。因此，通过内化和整合，个人可以在外在动机，并且仍然是真实的。现在，累积的研究表明，当个体经历对胜任感，自主性和归属感的支持时，内在动机和整合外在动机所反映的承诺和真实性最有可能是显而易见的。

It is the flip side of this coin, however, that speaks directly to the issues of alienation and inauthenticity and is relevant to such questions as why employees show no initiative, why teenagers reject their schools' values, and why patients adhere so poorly to treatment. SDT understands such occurrences in terms of the undermining of intrinsic motivation and, perhaps even more typically, thefailure of internalization. To explain the causes of such diminished functioning, SDT suggests turning first to indi-viduals' immediate social contexts and then to their developmental environments to examine the degree to which their needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness are being or have been thwarted. We maintain that by failing to provide supports for competence, autonomy, and relatedness. not only of children but also of students, employees, patients, and athletes, socializing agents and organizations contribute to alienation and ill-being. The fact that psycho-logical-need deprivation appears to be a principal source of human distress suggests that assessments and interventions would do well to target these primary foundations of mental health.

然而，这是硬币的另一面，它直接涉及异化和不真实的问题，并且与诸如为什么员工没有主动性，为什么青少年拒绝他们的学校价值观以及为什么患者如此差劲地接受治疗等问题相关。 SDT从破坏内在动机，甚至更典型的内部化失败的角度来理解这种情况。为了解释这种功能减弱的原因，SDT建议首先转向个人的直接社会背景，然后转向他们的发展环境，以检查他们对能力，自主性和相关性的需求在多大程度上被挫败。我们坚持认为，未能为能力，自主性和相关性提供支持。不仅是儿童，而且还有学生，员工，患者和运动员，社交代理人和组织都会导致异化和不幸。心理困难需要剥夺似乎是人类痛苦的主要来源这一事实表明，评估和干预措施可以很好地针对这些心理健康的主要基础。

Psychological Needs and Mental Health

心理需求和心理健康

As we have seen, both the cognitive evaluation and organismic integration components of SDT have led us to posit a parsimonious list of three basic psychological needs as a means of organizing and interpreting a wide array of empirical results, results that seemed not to be readily and satisfactorily interpretable without the concept of needs.Much of our more recent work has used the concept of three basic psychological needs to address new phenomena and, more particularly, to evaluate the postulate that these three needs are innate, essential, and universal.

By our definition,a basic need, whether it be a physiological need(Hull,1943) or a psychological need, is an energizing state that, if satisfied, conduces toward health and well-being but, if not satisfied, contributes to pathology and ill-being. We have thus proposed that the basic needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness must be satisfied across the life span for an individual to experience an ongoing sense of integrity and well-being or"eudaimonia"(Ryan & Frederick,1997; Waterman,1993). Accordingly, much of our research now focuses on the link between satisfaction of the basic psychological needs and the experience of well-being.

正如我们所看到的，SDT的认知评估和有机整合组成部分使我们提出了三个基本心理需求的简约列表，作为组织和解释各种实证结果的手段，结果似乎在没有需求概念的情况下，我们不能轻易和令人满意地解释。我们最近的工作使用了三种基本心理需求的概念来处理新现象，更具体地说，是评估这三种需求是天生的，必要的，和普遍的。

根据我们的定义，一个基本需求，无论是生理需求（赫尔，1943年）还是心理需求，都是一种充满活力的状态，如果满足，就有助于健康和幸福，但如果不满意，则有助于病理学和不适感。因此，我们提出，在个人的整个生命周期内，必须满足胜任感，自主性和归属感的基本需求，以体验持续的正直和幸福感或“eudaimonia”（Ryan＆Frederick，1997; Waterman，1993））。因此，我们现在的大部分研究都集中在满足基本心理需求和幸福感之间的联系。

Specifying psychological needs as essential nutriments implies that individuals cannot thrive without satisying all of them, any more than people can thrive with water but not food. Thus, for example,a social environment that affords competence but fails to nurture relatedness is expected to result in some impoverishment of wellbeing. Worse yet, social contexts that engender conflicts between basic needs set up the conditions for alienation and psychopathology (Ryan et al.,1995), as when a child is required by parents to give up autonomy in order to feel loved.

To suggest that the three needs are universal and developmentally persistent does not imply that their relative salience and their avenues for satisfaction are unchanging across the life span or that their modes of expression are the same in all cultures. The very fact that need satisfactionis facilitated by the internalization and integration of culturally endorsed values and behaviors suggests that individuals are likely to express their competence, autonomy, and relatedness differently within cultures that hold different values. Indeed, the mode and degree of people's psychological-need satisfaction is theorized to be influenced not only by their own competencies but, even more important, by the ambient demands, obstacles, and affordances in their sociocultural contexts. Thus, to posit universal psychological needs does not diminish the importance of variability in goals and orientations at different developmentalepochs or in different cultures, but it does suggest similarities in underlying processes that lead to the development and expression of those differences.

将心理需求指定为必需营养素意味着个人满足所有这些需求的情况下茁壮成长，不仅仅是人们可以用水而不是食物来茁壮成长。因此，例如，提供能力但未能培养归属感的社会环境预计会导致福利的某些匮乏。更糟糕的是，导致基本需求之间冲突的社会背景为异化和精神病理学创造了条件（Ryan等，1995），就像父母要求孩子放弃自主性以感受到爱一样。

建议这三种需求具有普遍性并且在发展上持久存在并不意味着它们的相对显着性和满足感在整个生命周期中是不变的，或者它们的表达方式在所有文化中都是相同的。文化认可的价值观和行为的内化和整合促进了需求满足这一事实，这表明个人可能在具有不同价值观的文化中不同地表达自己的能力，自主性和相关性。事实上，人们心理需求满足的模式和程度理论上不仅受到自身能力的影响，更重要的是受到社会文化环境中的环境要求，障碍和可供性的影响。因此，假定普遍的心理需求并没有减少不同发展阶段或不同文化中目标和方向变异的重要性，但它确实表明导致这些差异的发展和表达的基本过程的相似性。

Our recent investigations of the importance of basic psychological needs have addressed three questions: Are the pursuit and attainment of all culturally congruent aspirations and life values associated with well-being? Do need-related processes operate similarly within different cultural circumstances? Is within-person variability in basic need satisfaction related to variability in well-being indicators? We briefly consider some of this work.

First, we discuss the relation of personal goals to well-being. We have hypothesized that the pursuit and attainment of some life goals will provide relatively direct satisfaction of the basic needs, thus enhancing well-being(Ryan, Sheldon, Kasser,& Deci,1996), whereas the pursuit and attainment of other goals does not contribute to and may even detract from basic need satisfactions, leading toill-being. In accord with this reasoning,T. Kasser and Ryan(1993,1996) examined individual differences in the emphasis people place on intrinsic aspirations(goals such as affiliation, personal growth, and community that directly satisfy basic needs) compared with extrinsic aspirations(goals such as wealth, fame, and image that at best indi-rectly satisfy the needs). They found, first, that placing strong relative importance on intrinsic aspirations was positively associated with well-being indicators such as selfesteem, self-actualization, and the inverse of depression and anxiety, whereas placing strong relative importance on extrinsic aspirations was negatively related to these well-being indicators. Ryan, Chirkov, Little, Sheldon, Timoshina, and Deci (1999) replicated these findings in a Russian sample, attesting to the potential generalizability of the findings across cultures.

我们目前对基本心理需求重要性的调查解决了三个问题：1. 追求和实现与幸福相关的的愿望和生命价值观是否一致？在不同的文化环境中，是否需要归属感流程运作？与幸福指标变异相关的基本需求满意度，人与人之间的差异是什么？我们简要地考虑一下这项工作。

首先，我们讨论个人目标与幸福的关系。我们假设追求和实现某些生活目标将提供相对直接满足的基本需求，从而提高幸福感（Ryan，Sheldon，Kasser，＆Deci，1996），而追求和实现其他目标却没有有助于甚至可能减损基本需求的满足，导致生活。根据这个推理，T。 Kasser和Ryan（1993,1996）研究了人们对内在愿望（诸如从属关系，个人成长和直接满足基本需求的社区等目标）的重视与外在愿望（财富，名望和形象等目标）的个体差异最多只能满足需求。他们首先发现，对内在愿望的强烈相对重要性与健康指标正相关，如自尊，自我实现，以及抑郁和焦虑的倒数，而对外在愿望的强烈相对重要性则与这些指标呈负相关，如幸福感。 Ryan，Chirkov，Little，Sheldon，Timoshina和Deci（1999）在俄罗斯样本中复制了这些发现，证明了跨文化研究结果的潜在普遍性。

These findings go beyond goal importance per se.Both Ryan, Chirkov, et al. and T. Kasser and Ryan (in press) have found that whereas self-reported attainment of intrinsic aspirations was positively associated with well-being, attainment of extrinsic aspirations was not. Further, Sheldon and Kasser (1998) found in a longitudinal study that well-being was enhanced by attainment of intrinsic goals, whereas success at extrinsic goals provided little benefit. Together, these results suggest that even highly efficacious people may experience less than optimal wellbeing if they pursue and successfully attain goals that do not fulfill basic psychological needs. We hasten to add, however, that the meaning of specific goals is culturally influenced, so that how specific goals relate to well-being can vary across cultures, although the relation between underlying need satisfaction and well-being is theorized to be invariant.

Clearly, there are many factors that lead people to emphasize certain life goals that may not be need fulfilling.For example, exposure to the commercial media can prompt a focus on materialism (Richins,1987), which provides only fleeting satisfactions and could actually detract from basic need fulfillment and, thus, well-being.Prior deficits in need fulfillment(e.g., from poor caregiving) might also lead individuals to yearn for more extrinsic goals as a substitute or compensatory mechanism. In fact, T. Kasser, Ryan, Zax, and Sameroff(1995) found that teens who had been exposed to cold, controlling maternal care(as assessed with ratings by the teens, mothers, and observers) were more likely to develop materialistic orientations, compared with better nurtured teens who more strongly valued the intrinsic goals of personal growth, relationships, and community. In short, cultural and developmental influences produce variations in the importance of goals, the pursuit of which, in turn, yields different satisfaction of basic needs and different levels of well-being.

这些发现本身就超出了目标的重要性.Ryan，Chirkov，et al。 T. Kasser和Ryan（正在印刷中）发现，虽然自我报告的内在愿望的实现与幸福正相关，但外在愿望的实现并非如此。此外，Sheldon和Kasser（1998）在一项纵向研究中发现，通过实现内在目标可以提高幸福感，而外在目标的成功几乎没有带来任何好处。总之，这些结果表明，即使是非常有成就的人，如果追求并成功实现不能满足基本心理需求的目标，也可能体验到不太理想的健康。然而，我们必须补充说，特定目标的含义受文化影响，因此特定目标与幸福感的关系可能因文化而异，尽管潜在需求满足与幸福之间的关系理论上是不变的。

很明显，有许多因素导致人们强调某些可能不需要实现的生活目标。例如，接触商业媒体可以促使人们关注物质主义（Richins，1987），这只能提供短暂的满足感，实际上可能会减损从基本需求的实现，以及幸福感。在需求实现方面的先例缺陷（例如，来自不良的照顾）也可能导致个人渴望更多的外在目标作为替代或补偿机制。事实上，Kasser，Ryan，Zax和Sameroff（1995）发现，接遭受冷漠和控制欲母亲照顾的青少年（通过青少年，母亲和观察者的评级评估）更有可能发展物质主义。相比上述人群，更好养育的青少年更加重视个人成长，归属感和社区的内在目标。简而言之，文化和发展的影响会使目标的重要性发生变化，而这种目标的追求反过来会产生对基本需求和不同幸福水平的不同满足。

In other research, we have examined the relations of people's reports of need satisfaction to indicators of wellbeing in various settings. For example,V. Kasser and Ryan(in press) found that supports for autonomy and relatedness predicted greater well-being among nursing home residents. Baard, Deci, and Ryan(1998) showed that employees' experiences of satisfaction of the needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness in the workplace predicted their performance and well-being at work. Such research shows that within specific domains, especially those centralto the lives of individuals, need satisfaction is correlated with improved well-being.

A more compelling way of demonstrating the essential relations between need fulfillments and mental health hasbeen the examination of role-to-role and day-to-day fluctuations in basic need satisfaction and their direct effects on variability in well-being, while controlling for individual differences and various confounding variables. For example, Sheldon et al.(1997) demonstrated that satisfaction in each of several life roles (e.g., student, employee, friend), relative to the individual's own mean satisfaction, was attributable to the degree to which that role supports authenticity and autonomous functioning. Similarly, in a study that examined daily variations in well-being, Sheldon, Reis, and Ryan (1996) used hierarchical linear modeling to show that within-person daily fluctuations in the satisfaction of autonomy and competence needs predictedwithin-person fluctuations in outcomes such as mood, vitality, physical symptoms, and self-esteem. In a more recent study, Reis, Sheldon, Gable, Roscoe, and Ryan(in press) found that variations in the fulfillment of each of the three needs(i.e, competence, autonomy, and relatedness)independently predicted variability in daily well-being.These studies support the view that basic psychological needs are determinative with regard to optimal experience and well-being in daily life.

在其他研究中，我们研究了人们需求满足报告与各种环境中幸福感指标的关系。例如， Kasser和Ryan（正在印刷中）发现，对自主性和归属感的支持预示着养老院居民的幸福感。 Baard，Deci和Ryan（1998）表明，员工满足工作场所自主性，胜任感和归属感需求的经验预示着他们在工作中的表现和幸福。这样的研究表明，在特定领域，特别是那些对个人生活至关重要的领域，需要满足与改善幸福感相关。

一种更为引人注目的方式来展示需求满足与心理健康之间的本质关系，这是对基本需求满足的角色与角色和日常波动的考察，以及它们对幸福感变化的直接影响，同时控制个体差异和各种混杂变量。例如，Sheldon等人（1997）证明，相对于个人自己的平均满意度，几个生活角色（例如，学生，员工，朋友）中的每一个的满意度都归因于该角色支持真实性和自主性的程度。运行。同样，在一项研究健康日常变化的研究中，Sheldon，Reis和Ryan（1996）使用等级线性模型来证明自我和能力满足的人的每日波动预测在结果中的人与人之间的波动。作为情绪，活力，身体症状和自尊。在最近的一项研究中，Reis，Sheldon，Gable，Roscoe和Ryan（印刷中）发现，满足三种需求（自主性，胜任感和归属感）中的每一种的变化独立地预测了日常幸福感的变化。这些研究支持这样一种观点，即基本的心理需求对于日常生活中的最佳体验和幸福感是决定性的。

Conclusions

结论

Debates concerning the activity or passivity, responsibility or indolence, of human beings have been perennial(Kohn,1990). As psychology has become more advanced, both in terms of our understanding of evolution and neurobiology and of social behavior and its causation, ample support for both perspectives could be garnered. SDT addresses this issue by attempting to account for both the activity and the passivity, the responsibility and the indolence. To do this, we have assumed that humans have an inclination toward activity and integration, but also have a vulnerability to passivity. Our focus, accordingly, has been to specify the conditions that tend to support people's natural activity versus elicit or exploit their vulnerability.

Our early investigations focused on the social condi-tions that enhance versus diminish a very positive feature of human nature, namely, the natural activity and curiosity referred to as intrinsic motivation. We found that condi-tions supportive of autonomy and competence reliably facilitated this vital expression of the human growth tendency, whereas conditions that controlled behavior and hindered perceived effectance undermined its expression. Subsequently, we investigated the acquisition and regulation of nonintrinsically motivated behaviors and, here too, we found evidence of the dramatic power of social contexts to enhance or hinder the organismic tendency to integrate ambient social values and responsibilities. Contexts supportive of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were found to foster greater internalization and integration thancontexts that thwart satisfaction of these needs. This latter finding, we argue, is of great significance for individuals who wish to motivate others in a way that engenders commitment, effort, and high-quality performance.

关于人类主动或被动，责任或懒惰的辩论长达数年（Kohn，1990）。随着心理学变得更加先进，无论是在我们对进化和神经生物学以及社会行为及其因果关系的理解方面，都可以获得对这两种观点的充分支持。 SDT通过试图考虑活动和被动性，责任和懒惰来解决这个问题。要做到这一点，我们假设人类倾向于活动和整合，但也容易被动。因此，我们的重点是指定倾向于激发人们的与生俱来的属性而不是引发或利用其脆弱性的条件。

我们早期的调查侧重于社会条件，这些条件增强了人性的一个非常积极的特征，即自然活动和被称为内在动机的好奇心。我们发现，支持自主性和胜任感的条件是可靠促进人类发展的重要条件，而控制行为和阻碍感知效应的条件破坏了它。随后，我们调查了对非内在动机行为的获取和调节，并且在这里，我们发现了社会背景的强大力量的证据，以增强或阻碍整合环境社会价值和责任的有机趋势。支持自主性，胜任感和归属感的背景被发现可以促进更大的内化和整合，而不是阻碍满足这些需求的内容。我们认为，后一个发现对那些希望以能够产生承诺，努力和高质量表现的方式激励他人的个人具有重要意义。

Yet, our primary concern throughout this program of research has been the well-being of individuals, whether they are students in classrooms, patients in clinics, athletes on the playing field, or employees in the workplace. As formulated by SDT, if the social contexts in which such individuals are embedded are responsive to basic psycho-logical needs, they provide the appropriate developmental lattice upon which an active, assimilative, and integrated nature can ascend. Excessive control, nonoptimal challenges, and lack of connectedness, on the other hand, disrupt the inherent actualizing and organizational tendencies endowed by nature, and thus such factors result not only in the lack of initiative and responsibility but also in distress and psychopathology.

Knowledge concerning the nutriments essential for positive motivation and experience and, in turn, for enhanced performance and well-being has broad significance.It is relevant to parents and educators concerned with cognitive and personality development because it speaks to the conditions that promote the assimilation of both information and behavioral regulations. It is also relevant to managers who want to facilitate motivation and commitment on the job, and it is relevant to psychotherapists and health professionals because motivation is perhaps the critical variable in producing maintained change. Thus, by attending to the relative presence or deprivation of supports for basic psychological needs, practitioners are better able to diagnose sources of alienation versus engagement, and facilitate both enhanced human achievements and well-being.

然而，我们在整个研究计划中的主要关注点是个人的福祉，无论是在教室里的学生，在诊所的病人，在运动场上的运动员，还是在工作场所的雇员。正如SDT所阐述的那样，如果这些个体所处的社会背景能够满足基本的心理需求，它们就会提供积极、同化和综合性质的发展格局。另一方面，过度控制，非最佳挑战和缺乏归属会破坏自然赋予的固有的实现和组织倾向，因此这些因素不仅导致缺乏主动性和责任，而且导致痛苦和精神病理学。

积极动机和经验是必需的，反过来，对于提高表现和幸福感也具有广泛的意义。它与关注认知和个性发展的父母和教育者有关，因为它讲述了促进同化的条件。它也与希望促进工作中的动机和承诺的管理者相关，并且与心理治疗师和健康专业人员相关，因为动机可能是产生维持变化的关键变量。因此，通过关注基本心理需求的支持的相对存在或剥夺，从业者能够更好地诊断异化与参与的来源，并促进增强的人类成就和幸福。

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自我决定理论：促进内在动机、社会发展和幸福感

Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development and well-being

自我决定理论：促进内在动机、社会发展和幸福感

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摘要

引言

Self-Determination Theory

自我决定理论

The Nature of Motivation

动机的本质

Intrinsic Motivation

内在动机

Self-Regulation of Extrinsic Motivation

外在动机的自我调节

Facilitating Integration of Extrinsic Motivation

促进外在动机的整合

Alienation and Its Prevention

异化及其预防

Psychological Needs and Mental Health

心理需求和心理健康

Conclusions

结论

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